Children of a Lesser God: The Political and the Pastoral Action of the Spanish Catholic Church

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
Eduardo Acuña Aguirre

This article refers to the political risks that a group of five parishioners, members of an aristocratic Catholic parish located in Santiago, Chile, had to face when they recovered and discovered unconscious meanings about the hard and persistent psychological and sexual abuse they suffered in that religious organisation. Recovering and discovering meanings, from the collective memory of that parish, was a sort of conversion event in the five parishioners that determined their decision to bring to the surface of Chilean society the knowledge that the parish, led by the priest Fernando Karadima, functioned as a perverse organisation. That determination implied that the five individuals had to struggle against powerful forces in society, including the dominant Catholic Church in Chile and the political influences from the conservative Catholic elite that attempted to ignore the existence of the abuses that were denounced. The result of this article explains how the five parishioners, through their concerted political actions and courage, forced the Catholic Church to recognise, in an ambivalent way, the abuses committed by Karadima. The theoretical basis of this presentation is based on a socioanalytical approach that mainly considers the understanding of perversion in organisations and their consequences in the control of anxieties.


2013 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-623 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Vatter

AbstractMachiavelli often seems to advocate a conception of religion as an instrument of political rule. But in the concluding chapter ofThe PrinceMachiavelli adopts a messianic rhetoric in which politics becomes an instrument of divine providence. Since the political project at stake inThe Prince, especially in this last chapter runs against both the interests and the ideology of the Catholic Church in Italy, some commentators have argued that Machiavelli appeals to providence merely in order to fool the Church and the Medici. This article argues that it is not necessary to appeal to such exoteric readings of the 26thchapter ofThe Princeif one envisages the possibility that Machiavelli may have drawn upon an alternative, non-Christian conception of divine providence coming from medieval Arabic and Jewish sources that is more compatible with his desire to return to Roman republican principles than is the Christian conception of divine providence.


Cliocanarias ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Perfecto García ◽  

The regime of general Francisco Franco imposed a nationalist model from two ideological sources: the nationalcatholicism, an antiliberal proposal of the Catholic Church that identified Spain with catholicism; and the anti-liberal and fascist alternatives born in the heat of the European political-social crisis and Spanish of the First World War. The political model was strongly centralist, authoritarian and interventionist around Castile and the Castilian language, rejecting the other nationalist models. At the social level, the corporate proposal stood out by means of the compulsory framing of workers and businessmen in the Spanish Organización Sindical, the unique trade union of Francoism led by the unique party Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Hunt

This paper has argued that over some four decades the Catholic charismatics have been pulled in different directions regarding their political views and allegiances and that this is a result of contrasting dynamics and competing loyalties which renders conclusions as to their political orientations difficult to reach. To some degree such dynamics and competing loyalties result from the relationship of the charismatics in the Roman Church and the juxtaposition of the Church within USA politico-religious culture. In the early days of the Charismatic Renewal movement in the Roman Catholic Church the ‘spirit-filled’ Catholics appeared to show an indifference to secular political issues. Concern with spiritually renewing the Church, ecumenism and deep involvement with a variety of ecstatic Christianity drove this apolitical stance. If anything, as the academic works showed, the Catholic charismatics seemed in some respects more liberal than their non-charismatic counterparts in the Church. To some extent this reflected their middle-class and more educated demographic features. More broadly they adopted mainstream cultural changes while remaining largely politically inactive. As they grew closer to their Protestant brethren in the Renewal movement Catholic neo-Pentecostals tended to express more conservative views that were then part of the embryonic New Christian Right - the broad Charismatic movement becoming more overtly politicised in the 1980s. Somewhat later the Catholics were being pulled towards the traditional core Catholicism at a time the Renewal movement found itself well beyond its peak and influence in the mainstream denominations including the Roman Church. The Catholic charismatics were ‘returning to the fold’. During this period too the New Christian Right increased its attempt to marshal a broad coalition of conservative minded Protestants and Catholics. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s this proved to be largely ineffectual. The 2004 American Presidential election saw the initiation of the second office of George Bush. It seems clear that without the support of the New Christian Right - fundamentalist, Evangelicals, Pentecostals, charismatics - the victory would not have been secured. Based on research in South Carolina, however, suggests that the CR continues to be inwardly split and quarrels with other wings of the Republican Stephen J. Hunt: BETWIXT AND BETWEEN: THE POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS OF ROMAN CATHOLIC NEO-PENTECOSTALS • (pp. 27-51) THE CONTEMPORARY ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND POLITICS 49 Party, particularly business interests are evident.59 It is also apparent that into the twenty-first century there has proved to be an uneasy alliance in the New Christian Right, threatening to split along lines already observable in the 1970s and 1980s. For one thing the some of the political and social, if not moral teachings of the Catholic Church are at variant with such organizations as the Christian Coalition. The re-invention of the New Christian Right has not fully incorporated conservative Catholics nor Catholic charismatics. A further dynamic is that lay Catholics, charismatics or otherwise, have increasingly adopted a ‘pick and choose’ Catholicism in which there is a tendency to exercise personal views over a range of political issues irrespective of the formal teachings of the Church. To conclude, we might take a broader sweep in our understanding of the role of Catholicism in USA politics, in which the Catholic charismatics are merely one constituency. Recent scholarly work has pointed to the often under-estimated political influence of Roman Catholics in the USA. Genovese et al.60 show how today, as well as historically, Catholics and the Catholic Church has played a remarkably complex and diverse role in US politics. Dismissing notions of a cohesive ‘Catholic vote,’ Genovese et al. show how Catholics, Catholic institutions, and Catholic ideas permeate nearly every facet of contemporary American politics. Swelling with the influx of Latino, Asian, and African immigrants, and with former waves of European ethnics now fully assimilated in education and wealth, Catholics have never enjoyed such an influence in American political life. However, this Catholic political identity and engagement defy categorization, being evident in both left-wing and right-wing causes. It is fragmented and complex identity, a complexity to which the charismatics within the ranks of the Catholic Church continue to contribute.


2021 ◽  
pp. 436-457
Author(s):  
Petr Kratochvíl

This chapter explores the complex relationship between the Catholic Church and Europe over many centuries. It argues that the Catholic Church and Europe played a mutually constitutive role in the early Middle Ages and one would not be conceivable without the other. However, the Church gradually disassociated itself from Europe and vice versa. Since the Reformation, but even more strongly in the last two centuries, the Church’s attitude to Europe has become markedly more ambivalent, due to the rise of the European state, the hostile attitude of the Church to modern European social and political thought, Europe’s ongoing secularization, and the increasingly global nature of the Catholic Church. While the tension between the Church and Europe persists, the process of European unification marked a watershed in the Church’s relationship to Europe, given that integration is a key area in which the Church strongly supports the political developments of the continent.


1961 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel H. Barnes

Since the English conquest, the Quebec Roman Catholic Church has been the most important single agency for the defense and perpetuation of the French-Canadian heritage in North America. Although its commanding position is unchallenged, the Church has long shared its authority with elites in the political and economical spheres. These other elites, however, have by no means competed with the Church. Indeed, interchange and cooperation among elites have been characteristic of French-Canadian society. Viewed as essential to cultural survival, this close unity among elites has encouraged the retention of an ordered, hierarchical social structure with many pre-industrial features.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-170
Author(s):  
James Livesey

This article addresses the writing and politics of Charles O'Conor, grandson of the noted antiquarian and founder of the Catholic Committee, Charles O'Conor of Belangare, who as librarian to George Nugent-Temple-Grenville, Marquis of Buckinghamshire, at Stowe played a crucial role in articulating Irish Catholic responses to the 1801 Act of Union. The paper argues O'Conor represented a Catholic perspective that felt an historic compromise between the political authority of the British constitution and the religious authority of the Catholic Church was possible.


1995 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Blake D. Pattridge

Scholars have debated the effects of the Guatemalan Revolution (1944-1954), i.e. the political and social changes carried out during the decade, on the closed corporate community. Many scholars, including the anthropologists Carol Smith and Ralph Beals, have looked at the political pressures and changes during the Revolution in attempts to explain the decline of the traditional community during the decade. Meanwhile, the historian Jim Handy has challenged the common political explanations for the downfall of the community and questioned the degree to which the communities are “closed” and “corporate.” Most scholars agree, however, that the revolutionary period witnessed a breakdown in the traditional village structures.


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