The Common School Movement, 1820–1860

2021 ◽  
pp. 34-59
Author(s):  
James W. Fraser
2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Persky

Classical political economy in Great Britain was broadly supportive of education, but limited government’s role to modest assistance for charitable schools. The early classical economists in the United States, men like Thomas Cooper and Francis Wayland, in addition to supporting free trade, took this classical position with respect to education. But a more aggressive democratic claim was being advanced by the American common school movement and its supporters among Whig protectionists. The early economic tracts of William Jennison, Willard Phillips, Calvin Colton, and Henry Carey envisioned a larger role for government and advocated support for publicly financed common schools. Most notably, the leader of the common school movement, Horace Mann, built a defense for public financing based on a radical theory of property, derived from distinctly Puritan economic doctrine. If his radical positions received little support from post-Civil War mainstream economists, Mann’s practical advocacy of public taxation for public schools very much carried the day.


Author(s):  
Emily Zackin

This chapter examines the campaigns to add education rights to state constitutions, with particular emphasis on how the common school movement was able to establish the states' constitutional duty to provide education. The leaders of the common school movement insisted that government had a moral duty to expand opportunities for children whose parents could not otherwise afford to educate them, and that state legislatures should be legally obligated to fulfill it. This movement's central claim was that the value of constitutional rights lay in their potential to promote policy changes by forcing legislatures to pass the kinds of redistributive policies they tended to avoid. The chapter considers the evidence for an American positive-rights tradition that exists primarily at the state level and discusses Congress's motive for the creation of constitutional rights as a case of entrenchment. It argues that education provisions found in state constitutions are positive rights.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah De Lissovoy ◽  
Alexander J Means ◽  
Kenneth J. Saltman

1997 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. v-xiv
Author(s):  
Christine Woyshner ◽  
Bonnie Hao Kuo Tai

The nineteenth century saw major advances in educational opportunities for women and girls, from the common school movement in the early part of the century to multiple opportunities in higher education at the century's close. In the 1800s, women began to play central roles in education — as teachers and as learners, in formal and informal education settings, on the frontier and in the cities. What did these advances mean for the education of women and girls in the twentieth century? This Symposium looks at developments in the education of women and girls over the course of the twentieth century, including research currently being conducted by and about women who historically have been excluded from mainstream academic discourse.


Author(s):  
Suzanne Rosenblith ◽  
Patrick Womac

This chapter traces the Bible’s path through the history of American public education beginning in the colonial period, where it was central to the project of education, through the Common School movement, where its relevance was challenged as Enlightenment and scientific reasoning took hold. By the turn of the twentieth century, the Bible had lost its stronghold on public schools and the contentious relationship was cemented through a series of court cases that continue to impact policy and curriculum to the present time. The chapter concludes by highlighting several contemporary policies implemented to try to return the Bible, in some fashion, to public schools.


Author(s):  
David Nasaw

It was easier for the reformers to secure a monopoly on the meaning and practice of Protestant and republican common schooling than it was to attract or compel attendance at their common schools. The reformers had formulated the solution to all social problems, or so they believed. They had designed the ultimate institution for the socialization of American youth. Their task was now to catalyze public opinion and raise public monies to pay for its operation. It has been assumed that the reformers were the primary agents in the establishment and selling of the common school movement. This may or may not be true. What is certainly the case, however, is that without the direct and continual assistance of their friends, allies, and supporters from the business world, the reformers would have accomplished very little indeed. Though the most effective of ideologists, they were incapable by themselves of bringing about substantive reforms, either in the schools or in any other social institution. As Alexander Field has suggested, “Perhaps it is not Mann, after all, who deserves the full-size statue in front of the Massachusetts State House, complete with the inscription, ‘Father of the American Public School.’ ” For Mann would never have become secretary to the board if not first nominated by Edmund Dwight, a wealthy cotton textile manufacturer who persuaded Mann to take the job and supplemented his salary by $500 a year. Dwight was not the only successful businessman to support the common school crusade. The state boards, in Massachusetts as elsewhere, were chosen from a relatively small group of wealthy merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, and clergy. The lawyers and clergy invariably catered to the manufacturers and merchants, making the occupational diversity on the boards much less significant than might appear. It is impossible to know who the primary agents of reform were—the businessmen behind the scenes or the reformers on the front lines. What is known, however, is that the two groups worked well together, the reformers supplying the theoretical arguments and propaganda, and the businessmen, the money and political clout.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document