The human and nonhuman in the capitalist production of subjectivity

2021 ◽  
pp. 130-144
Author(s):  
Guillaume Collett
1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 405-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Hudson ◽  
D Sadler

One expression of the changing international division of labour and the generalized crisis of capitalist production during the 1970s was that the steel industry in the European Community slid into a deep and seemingly intractable crisis with rapidly falling profits or escalating losses. In an attempt to restore profitability, private capital, national states, and the supranational EEC (European Economic Community) initiated a series of severe capacity and employment cuts, which were unevenly distributed within the EEC, concentrated both at national and at regional scales. This distribution was intimately related to the strategies of those directly employed in the steel industry and those indirectly dependent upon steel employment in contesting proposed closure plans. This paper examines in detail anticlosure campaigns in the Northeast of England and in the Nord and Lorraine in France, interpreting them in terms of territory and class as bases for social organization, and attempts to draw some more general theoretical and political implications from these specific cases.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Post

AbstractThe notion of the labour-aristocracy is one of the oldest Marxian explanations of working-class conservatism and reformism. Despite its continued appeal to scholars and activists on the Left, there is no single, coherent theory of the labour-aristocracy. While all versions argue working-class conservatism and reformism reflects the politics of a privileged layer of workers who share in ‘monopoly’ super-profits, they differ on the sources of those super-profits: national dominance of the world-market in the nineteenth century (Marx and Engels), imperialist investments in the ‘colonial world’/global South (Lenin and Zinoviev), or corporate monopoly in the twentieth century (Elbaum and Seltzer). The existence of a privileged layer of workers who share monopoly super-profits with the capitalist class cannot be empirically verified. This essay presents evidence that British capital’s dominance of key-branches of global capitalist production in the Victorian period, imperialist investment and corporate market-power can not explain wage-differentials among workers globally or nationally, and that relatively well-paid workers have and continue to play a leading rôle in radical and revolutionary working-class organisations and struggles. An alternative explanation of working-class radicalism, reformism, and conservatism will be the subject of a subsequent essay.


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