Hannah Arendt and The Will

Hannah Arendt ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 201-224
Author(s):  
Suzanne Jacobittr
Keyword(s):  
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Paulo César Nascimento

Este artigo analisa as teorias de Aristóteles, Tocqueville e Hannah Arendt a respeito de como alguns aspectos da democracia como a busca do igualitarismo e o voto majoritário podem conduzir ao despotismo. Examinando os casos da democratização da Rússia pós-comunista e o sistema político da Venezuela durante a presidencia de Hugo Chavez, o texto procura demonstrar a importância das idéias daqueles pensadores para a compreensão de regimes autoritários legitimados pelo voto popular.---The democratic route of autoritarismThis article reviews the theories of Aristotle, Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt with respect to some elements of democracy such as the pursue of egalitarianism and the reliance on the will of the majority that can lead to despotism. On the basis of post-communist Russia’s transition to democracy and Venezuela’s political system under the presidency of Hugo Chavez, the article shows the importance of those thinker’s insights to understand current authoritarian regimes which rely on popular vote.keywords: democracy, autoritarian regimes, voting.


Author(s):  
John Llewelyn

In this chapter attention is directed again at the relation between attention and intention. ‘Phenomenological’ intentionality may but does not necessarily implicate the will. Whether it does depends among other things on whether willing is understandable as wanting. This is how volo is understood in a Latin phrase cited by Hannah Arendt from a letter to her from Heidegger who attributes it to Augustine, namely ‘Amo: Volo ut sis’. I translate this as ‘I love: I want you to be’. Arendt too has ‘I want’, though it seems to me that the translation ‘I will’ would have been more consonant with the expectations raised in the context of her opinions on Scotus whom she describes as ‘the lonely defender of the primacy of the Will over Intellect’, notwithstanding his own argument for the equiprimordiality of these rather than for the priority of one over the other. However the validity of his argument may depend on what we think of his contention that what he names the natural will (wanting?) is ‘not really will at all, nor is natural volition true volition, for the term “natural” effectively cancels or negates the sense of both “will” and “volition”.’ He appears to take the duality in question here as that of a power in relation to its perfection and what he describes as a heightening of pitch, instress and therefore will. These distinctions are only a few of those that have to be made if we are to be clear about the differences between velle, willing, nolle, being unwilling, velle-nolle, willing not to will, and non-velle, not willing. For Scotus’ purposes and the purposes of this study the most important of these possibilities is that of rejecting both of the original simple alternatives, velle and nolle. For one of the keys to an understanding of this study is an understanding of what it is to will not to will.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wang Wen-Sheng

AbstractThis paper begins with a discussion of the thesis that politics is a kind of téchne (art), as Aristotle states. He defines téchne as being the opposite of túche (chance). Hence, politics is neither an exact science nor an accidental opinion; it is, rather, a teachable art or skill (Kunstlehre). Based on this theme, the paper investigates how Hannah Arendt interprets political freedom in the public sphere as the will of the plural citizens, facing an uncertain future, attempting to still the disquiet of the collective ego. A comparison between Arendt and Heidegger could be made if we further investigate Heidegger’s understanding of political freedom in the public sphere based on his comprehension of the will of Da-sein and the enowning (Ereignis) of Being.


2021 ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Richard Kearney ◽  
Melissa Fitzpatrick

With Chapter 5’s hermeneutic of Kantian hospitality in mind, this chapter will analyze the post-Kantian shift to philosophies of hospitality—in particular, Emmanuel Levinas’s philosophy of hospitality par excellence, but also briefly that of Hannah Arendt, who serves as a middle way between Kant and Levinas. This chapter will probe Levinas’s original account of who we are (exposed, vulnerable, for-others, hosts, hostages, substituting-for-the-other, infinitely responsible) in relation to what makes hospitality as first philosophy impossible—namely, that it is not (contra Kant) an act of the will or a decision we can make. I will end by turning to Arendt’s more explicitly political-practical-possible account of what I call “natal hospitality” as a continuation of, and response, to hospitality’s perceived impossibility.


Symposium ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-29
Author(s):  
Jussi Backman ◽  

This article looks at the role of Hellenistic thought in the historical narratives of Martin Heidegger and Hannah Arendt. To a certain extent, both see—with G. W. F. Hegel, J. G. Droysen, and Eduard Zeller—Hellenistic and Roman philosophy as a “modernity in antiquity,” but with important differences. Heidegger is generally dismissive of Hellenistic thought and comes to see it as a decisive historical turning point at which a protomodern element of subjective willing and domination is injected into the classical heritage of Plato and Aristotle. Arendt, likewise, credits Stoic philosophy with the discovery of the will as an active faculty constituting a realm of subjective freedom and autonomy. While she considers Hellenistic philosophy as essentially apolitical and world-alienated—in contrast to the inherently political and practical Roman culture—it nonetheless holds for her an important but unexploited ethical and political potential.L’article examine le rôle de la pensée hellénistique dans les récits historiques de Martin Heidegger et Hannah Arendt. Dans une certaine mesure, tous les deux voient, avec G. W. F. Hegel, J. G. Droysen et Eduard Zeller, la philosophie hellénistique et romaine comme une « modernité dans l’antiquité », mais avec des différences importantes. Généralement, Heidegger dédaigne la philosophie hellénis-tique et finit par la considérer comme un tournant historique déci-sif qui introduit un élément protomoderne de volonté et de domination subjective dans l’héritage de Platon et Aristote. De même, Arendt attribue à la philosophie stoïque la découverte de la volonté en tant que faculté active constituant un domaine de liberté et d’autonomie subjectives. Même si elle considère la philosophie hellénistique comme fondamentalement apolitique et aliénée du monde—à l’inverse du caractère fondamentalement politique et pratique de la culture romaine—cette pensée détient néanmoins pour elle un potentiel éthico-politique important et sous-exploité.


1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Jacobitti
Keyword(s):  

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
FELIX RÖSCH

AbstractHans Morgenthau's concept of power is widely debated among scholars of International Relations. Superficial accounts present Morgenthau's concept of power in the Hobbesian tradition as a means of self-preservation; however, more thorough investigations demonstrate Morgenthau's psychogenic and praxeological understanding. By referring to Sigmund Freud and Max Weber, such accounts identify Morgenthauian power as the ability to dominate others. This article contributes to this discourse by demonstrating that Morgenthau separated power into two dualistic conceptualisations. Although analytically Morgenthau worked with a concept of power understood as domination, normatively – in reference to Friedrich Nietzsche and Hannah Arendt – he promoted a concept of power that focused on the will and ability to act together. Elaborating this dualistic concept has wider implications for current International Relations because it reminds scholars to be self-reflexive. In addition, it is argued that a Morgenthauian scholarship helps scholars to gain a more profound understanding of depoliticising tendencies in Western democracies.


1846 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asa Mahan
Keyword(s):  

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