9 On Political Freedom in Public Sphere in View of the Contrast Between Téchne and Túche – A Comparison Between Arendt and Heidegger

2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wang Wen-Sheng

AbstractThis paper begins with a discussion of the thesis that politics is a kind of téchne (art), as Aristotle states. He defines téchne as being the opposite of túche (chance). Hence, politics is neither an exact science nor an accidental opinion; it is, rather, a teachable art or skill (Kunstlehre). Based on this theme, the paper investigates how Hannah Arendt interprets political freedom in the public sphere as the will of the plural citizens, facing an uncertain future, attempting to still the disquiet of the collective ego. A comparison between Arendt and Heidegger could be made if we further investigate Heidegger’s understanding of political freedom in the public sphere based on his comprehension of the will of Da-sein and the enowning (Ereignis) of Being.

2004 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marinus Schoeman

Virtuosity and greatness: Aspects of Hannah Arendt’s “extra-moral” ethic of virtueThis article focuses on the “extra-moral” character of Arendt’s view of action and virtuousness. Particular attention is given to her a-teleological, performative (dramaturgical) view of action, which was inspired by the ancient Greeks and Romans, as well as certain aspects of Renaissance humanism, especially Machiavelli’s idea of virtue. According to this view, virtue relates to the virtuosity and “greatness” of the actor’s words and deeds, which in turn presupposes an agonistic ethos where different actors constantly try to surpass one another and to achieve exemplary status. This implies that virtue, or a truly ethical existence, has nothing to do with one’s inner feelings and intentions. Neither can it be measured against some transcendent norm or set of norms. Rather, it manifests itself in the performing of great and virtuosic actions in the presence of others. These actions thus depend on the existence of a vigorous public sphere, while at the same time being co-constitutive of the public sphere, helping to sustain it and keeping it alive. I


Author(s):  
Ya-Wen Lei

Since the mid-2000s, public opinion and debate in China have become increasingly common and consequential, despite the ongoing censorship of speech and regulation of civil society. How did this happen? This book shows how the Chinese state drew on law, the media, and the Internet to further an authoritarian project of modernization, but in so doing, inadvertently created a nationwide public sphere in China—one the state must now endeavor to control. The book examines the influence this unruly sphere has had on Chinese politics and the ways that the state has responded. It shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to influence the public agenda, demand accountability from the government, and organize around the concepts of law and rights. It demonstrates how citizens came to understand themselves as legal subjects, how legal and media professionals began to collaborate in unexpected ways, and how existing conditions of political and economic fragmentation created unintended opportunities for political critique, particularly with the rise of the Internet. The emergence of this public sphere—and its uncertain future—is a pressing issue with important implications for the political prospects of the Chinese people. The book offers new possibilities for thinking about the transformation of state–society relations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Marlen Esser

AbstractKant’s famous motto of enlightenment, “Sapere aude!”, is inseparably entwined with the demand for the “public use of reason”. There is no doubt that this also embraces the notion of a free and unrestricted exchange of ideas and indicates the potential beginning of a process in which “subjects” of the state and passive citizens are capable of developing into citizens of the world, and in which nation states are capable of developing into a kind of world community. This conception of the public sphere also receives further concrete articulation in Kant’s Critique of Judgement, as Hannah Arendt already clearly recognized. In particular, the doctrine of reflective judgement, which is developed in that work, also allows us to derive several critical insights from Kant’s conception of enlightenment and the public sphere which are highly relevant to the contemporary intercultural discussion regarding the issue of the “Public Sphere”.


1994 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Johnson ◽  
Dana R. Villa

Theories of the public sphere, as standardly formulated, aim to specify the minimal, necessary conditions for a discursive realm free of coercion or manipulation. In his article in this Review in September 1992, Dana Villa urged us to reconsider this standard account. He argued that when read in light of postmodernist theory, Hannah Arendt provides the basis for a revised conception of the public sphere that privileges plurality and difference over consensus. Jim Johnson suggests that Villa's analysis is a thinly veiled polemic against critical theory. Johnson argues that, as critique, Villa's argument is neither decisive nor encompassing, and that as polemic it blinds Villa to potentially fruitful disagreements with critical theorists. Villa replies that Johnson misses the synthetic thrust of the original article because he identified public realm theory too narrowly with Habermas. Thus, he misconstrues the dialogue Villa sought to facilitate between Arendt and postmodernism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetlana Erpyleva

This article deals with the problem of political participation and public sphere learning by adolescents during the mass protests in contemporary Russia and Ukraine. Referring to theories of contentious politics and the public sphere in the post-communist world, the author highlights the debate around the relations between private and public in this context: is the value of public participation formed in the private sphere and then translated into a public one? Or rather, is the public realm something opposite to the private? Using in-depth biographical interviews with the adolescents participating in the Bolotnaya and Maidan movements, the author considers this dilemma through the lens of activists’ socialization. The analysis discovers that there is no direct connection between the values of private independence and public freedom during the growing-up process of adolescent activists. The values of private independence appropriated by Russian adolescents do not automatically translate into practices in the public sphere, and, conversely, Ukrainian activists strongly adhere to an ethic of political freedom, but to do it they prefer to break with the values of the private sphere rather than transfer them into politics. To conclude, the author discusses some implications of the analysis of political participation of adolescents on how notions of private and public are composed in Russia and Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 110-125
Author(s):  
Łukomski

In the paper I present an analysis of the critical approach to the phenomenon of modern bureaucracy by Hannah Arendt within the theoretical framework of cultural evolution. Bureaucracy, understood as the thoughtless rationalization of human behavior, is a process leading to the minimization of the public sphere, understood as the domain of freely performed politics, and consequently to the creation of impersonal tyranny. Contemporary concepts of cultural evolution allow to search for a new model of explanation of this phenomenon, which transforms the understanding of politics and man himself in the contemporary world.


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