‘A position of usefulness’: gendering history of girls’ education in colonial Hong Kong (1850s–1890s)

Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moira M. W. Chan-Yeung
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moira M. W. Chan-Yeung
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384
Author(s):  
Chung Fun Steven Hung

Purpose After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong and the sovereignty was transferred from Britain to China, politicization inevitably followed democratization. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the pro-democratic political parties’ politics in Hong Kong in recent history. Design/methodology/approach The research was conducted through a historical comparative analysis, within the context of Hong Kong after the sovereignty handover and the interim period of crucial democratization. Findings With the implementation of “One country, Two systems,” political democratization was hindered in Hong Kong’s transformation. The democratic forces have no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which has caused a decisive and ineluctable fragmentation of the local political parties. Originality/value This paper explores and evaluates the political history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under “One country, Two systems” and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation.


10.1068/d310 ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Alex Bremner ◽  
David P Y Lung

In this paper we discuss the role and significance of European cultural identity in the formation of the urban environment in 19th-century and early-20th-century British Hong Kong. Our purpose is to offer an alternative reading of the social history of Hong Kong-the orthodox accounts of which remain largely predominant in the general historical understanding of that society-by examining the machinations that surrounded attempts by the European colonial elite to control the production of urban form and space in the capital city of Hong Kong, Victoria. Here the European Residential District ordinance of 1888 (along with other related ordinances) is considered in detail. An examination of European cultural self-perception and the construction of colonial identity is made by considering not only the actual ways in which urban form and space were manipulated through these ordinances but also the visual representation of the city in art. Here the intersection between ideas and images concerning civil society, cultural identity, architecture, and the official practices of colonial urban planning is demonstrated. It is argued that this coalescing of ideas, images, and practices in the colonial environment of British Hong Kong not only led to the racialisation of urban form and space there but also contributed to the apparent anxiety exhibited by the European population over the preservation of their own identity through the immediacy of the built environment.


2017 ◽  
pp. 163-203
Author(s):  
Karen K.H. Ngai ◽  
Simon W.K. Wu ◽  
Joanna L.P. Chung
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 05058
Author(s):  
Zhu Guangyao ◽  
Wang Yandong

Since Hong Kong was once considered to be the front line of the Cold War against China in the Anglo-American world, its film and television productions have been a significant ideological battlefield. Especially at that time, the western digital film and television production had a strong impact on the construction of national ideology in Hong Kong. It is evident that the artistic strategy of China's national image formation in the region, as viewed through film and television productions, has a targeted cultural and strategic orientation value. In this regard, this paper presents the viewpoints from the perspective of the development history of Hong Kong's film and television productions as well as the successful experience of image construction in Europe and America since the mid-twentieth century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 184 (9) ◽  
pp. 636-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Y. Ni ◽  
Tom K. Li ◽  
Herbert Pang ◽  
Brandford H. Y. Chan ◽  
Betty Y. Yuan ◽  
...  

Abstract Despite the extensive history of social movements around the world, the evolution of population mental health before, during, and after a social movement remains sparsely documented. We sought to assess over time the prevalence of depressive symptoms during and after the Occupy Central movement in Hong Kong and to examine the associations of direct and indirect exposures to Occupy Central with depressive symptoms. We longitudinally administered interviews to 909 adults who were randomly sampled from the population-representative FAMILY Cohort at 6 time points from March 2009 to March 2015: twice each before, during, and after the Occupy Central protests. The Patient Health Questionnaire-9 was used to assess depressive symptoms and probable major depression (defined as Patient Health Questionnaire-9 score ≥10). The absolute prevalence of probable major depression increased by 7% after Occupy Central, regardless of personal involvement in the protests. Higher levels of depressive symptoms were associated with online and social media exposure to protest-related news (incidence rate ratio (IRR) = 1.28, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.06, 1.55) and more frequent Facebook use (IRR = 1.38, 95% CI: 1.12, 1.71). Higher levels of intrafamilial sociopolitical conflict was associated with more depressive symptoms (IRR = 1.05, 95% CI: 1.01, 1.09). The Occupy Central protests resulted in substantial and sustained psychological distress in the community.


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