Horace, Ode the First. The Fourth Book. To Venus

2021 ◽  
pp. 1086-1088
Author(s):  
Tom Cain ◽  
Ruth Connolly
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Peter J. Heslin

This book develops a new interpretation of Propertius’ use of Greek myth and of his relationship to Virgil, working out the implications of a revised relative dating of the two poets’ early works. It begins by examining from an intertextual perspective all of the mythological references in the first book of Propertius. Mythological allegory emerges as the vehicle for a polemic against Virgil over the question of which of them would be the standard-bearer for Alexandrian poetry at Rome. Virgil began the debate with elegy by creating a quasi-mythological figure out of Cornelius Gallus, and Propertius responded in kind: his Milanion, Hylas and several of his own Galluses respond primarily to Virgil’s Gallus. In the Georgics, Virgil’s Aristaeus and Orpheus are, in part, a response to Propertius; Propertius then responds in his second book via his own conception of Orpheus and Adonis. The polemic then took a different direction, in the light of Virgil’s announcement of his intention to write an epic for Octavian. Virgilian pastoral was no longer the antithesis of elegy, but its near neighbour. Propertius critiqued Virgil’s turn to epic in mythological terms throughout his second book, while also developing a new line of attack. Beginning in his second book and intensifying in his third, Propertius insinuated that Virgil’s epic in progress would turn out to be a tedious neo-Ennian annalistic epic on the military exploits of Augustus. In his fourth book, Propertius finally acknowledged the published Aeneid as a masterpiece; but by then Virgil’s death had brought an end to the fierce rivalry that had shaped Propertius’ career as a poet.


2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-67
Author(s):  
Alessandro Laverda

AbstractAccording to Thomas Aquinas, a miracle had to surpass the whole of the created nature, which meant the visible and corporeal, as well as the invisible and incorporeal nature. Prospero Lambertini (1675–1758), the future Pope Benedict XIV, when he was promoter of the faith, noticed that it was impossible to distinguish a cure that occurred beyond the boundaries of incorporeal and invisible nature (the whole nature) from one that exceeded just corporeal and visible nature. The issue was of utmost importance since it risked delegitimizing the whole system of miracle verification. Consequently, Lambertini, in the fourth book of his magnum opus De servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum canonizatione (On the Beatification of the Servants of God and the Canonization of the Blessed, 1734–1738), developed a new classification of miracles, which included the works of angels, with the aim of solving the problem. Furthermore, to counteract Spinoza's denial of miracles, he claimed that miracles were not contrary to the laws of nature.


Millennium ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Christoph Schwameis

AbstractBoth in the fourth book of Cicero’s De signis (Verr. 2,4) and in the fourteenth book of Silius Italicus’ Punica, there are descriptions of the city of Syracuse at important points of the texts. In this paper, both descriptions are combined and for the first time thoroughly related. I discuss form and content of the accounts, show their functions in their oratorical and epic contexts and consider their similarities. The most important facets, where the descriptions coincide in, seem to be their link to Marcellus’ conquest in the Second Punic War, the resulting precarious beauty of the city and the specifically Roman perspective on which these ekphraseis are based.


2017 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 372-386
Author(s):  
Christian Blumenthal

The coptic sahidic version of the Fourth Book of Maccabees was discovered by Enzo Lucchesi in the nineteen eighties and published by Ivan Miroshnikov in 2014, who observed that the Coptic version is sometimes significantly different from the Greek one. This article examines the peculiarities of this translation and tries to show that the Sahidic version has an own paraenetic aim which is quite different from that one of the Greek text.


1975 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Fantham

The large harvest of editions and monographs devoted to Seneca's Phaedra in recent years have done full justice to the influence on Seneca's play of the Greek tragic precedents, even exploiting the Latin play as a quarry for their recovery and restoration; at the level of individual motifs of dialogue, Seneca's debt to Ovid's fourth letter of the Heroides has been confirmed and detailed. But concern with the adaptation of the myth, and the obvious verbal resemblances to Ovid, have combined to distract students from the influence of another Latin work—the fourth book of Virgil's Aeneid. The theme of Virgil's book, the quality of Virgil's portrayal of Dido and her passion, with its truly dramatic greatness (of which a distinguished editor has written ‘if Virgil had written nothing else … it would have established his right to stand beside the greatest of the Greek tragedians’), the acknowledged supremacy of Virgil's reputation as a poet in Seneca's generation, and Seneca's own fondness for quoting the Aeneid, are all strong arguments for expecting some reminiscence of Virgil's great queen in Seneca's delineation of Phaedra and her doomed passion for Hippolytus. Before Virgil only Catullus' Ariadne had approached the insight and sympathetic analysis which was achieved in Dido. After Virgil the lovesick heroines of Ovid's Heroides are rhetorically versatile but without the moral stature to give value to their sufferings, while their static portraits cannot offer the development of either action or emotion which is essential to drama. Unfortunately, because Ovid both in Heroides and Metamorphoses borrowed so much detail and imagery from Virgil, his dependence on the greater poet complicates and often frustrates attempts to distinguish the relationship of Senecan poetry to that of the two predecessors whom he admired.


1994 ◽  
Vol 84 ◽  
pp. 41-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeri Blair Debrohun

Much recent criticism of Roman love elegy, especially Propertian love elegy, has been concerned with the exposure of elegy's ego and puella as poetic constructions whose ‘partially realistic’ characteristics and actions serve as metaphorical representations of the poet's writing practice and poetic ideals. As Duncan Kennedy has pointed out, however, this discourse of representation has already threatened to create its own limitations of applicability, as it privileges the ‘partial realism’ of love elegy's first-person narratives, in which an authorial male narrator (ego) writes of his female subject (puella), at the expense of the more openly unrealistic representational strategies of works such as Ovid's Heroides and Fasti or, the more immediate concern of this article, the fourth book of Propertius' elegies.


Author(s):  
Peter Schäfer

This chapter talks about the eschatological connotation of the Son of Man established in Daniel, which came to light with particular clarity in the pseudepigraphic Fourth Book of Ezra. It originated after 70 CE, or more precisely around 100 CE, and is significant in its context because it refers back to the idea of the Son of Man in Daniel 7. It focuses on the line, “like the figure of a man” that is undoubtedly the same as “like a human being” in Daniel 7, although the man mentioned does not come with the clouds of heaven but at first comes up from the depths of the sea and then flies on the clouds of heaven. In contrast to Daniel, the man is not brought to God to receive dominion but instead fights for this dominion and brings final redemption to the people of Israel. With the man's appearance, a multitude gathered from the four corners of the world in order to “make war against the man who came up out of the sea.”


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