Low-income Urban Settlements in Latin America: the Turner Model

2018 ◽  
pp. 171-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Brett
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Urban Settlements ◽  
Turner Model

scholarly journals Implementing Telemedicine Visits in an Underserved Ophthalmology Clinic in the COVID-19 Era

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 215013272199627
Author(s):  
Mona Adeli ◽  
William R. Bloom
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
High Risk ◽  
Vulnerable Populations ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Office Visit ◽  
Medically Underserved ◽  
Uninsured Patients ◽  
Potential Barriers ◽  
Ocular Morbidity

Introduction: Many of the potential barriers to providing telehealth services already disproportionately impact vulnerable populations. The purpose of this study was to assess the incorporation of synchronous ophthalmology telemedicine visits in a tertiary university-based ophthalmology clinic for low-income and uninsured patients in the COVID-19 era. Methods: The records of 18 patients who were due for an in-person visit in the medically underserved patient clinic at our institute were reviewed. Patients considered high risk of ocular morbidity progression were approved to proceed with an in-person visit. Patients with non-urgent visit indications were attempted to be contacted by telephone to be offered a telemedicine telephone visit as an alternative to a postponed in-person office visit. Results: Clinical triage by an attending ophthalmologist determined that 17 patients (94.4%, n = 18) had visit indications appropriate for evaluation by telemedicine. Six patients (35.3%, n = 17) were successfully contacted and offered a telemedicine visit as an alternative to a postponed in-person office visit. All 6 patients accepted, scheduled, and completed a telemedicine visit. Eleven patients (64.7%, n = 17) were not able to be successfully contacted to offer and schedule either a telemedicine visit or a postponed in-person office visit. Patients who were not able to be successfully contacted were on average younger in age and more likely to be female, Hispanic/Latino, from Latin America, with a preferred language of Spanish. Conclusions: Synchronous ophthalmology telemedicine visits can be successfully incorporated in a tertiary university-based setting for low-income and uninsured patients. The primary barrier to providing telemedicine visits in this population was the ability to successfully contact patients to offer and schedule these visits.

scholarly journals Developing obstetric medicine training in Latin America

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Rojas-Suarez ◽  
Niza Suarez ◽  
Oier Ateka-Barrutia
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Maternal Mortality ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Morbidity And Mortality ◽  
Low Income Countries ◽  
Important Indicator ◽  
Obstetric Medicine ◽  
The Impact ◽  
In Pregnancy

Maternal mortality is an important indicator of health in populations around the world. The distribution of maternal mortality ratio globally shows that middle- and low-income countries have ∼99% of the mortality burden. Most countries of Latin America are considered to be middle- or low-income countries, as well as areas of major inequities among the different social classes. Medical problems in pregnancy remain an important cause of morbidity and mortality in this region. Previous data indicate the need for a call to action for adequate diagnosis and care of medical diseases in obstetric care. The impact of nonobstetric and medical pathologies on maternal mortality in Latin America is largely unknown. In Latin America, two educational initiatives have been proposed to improve skills in maternity care. The Advanced Life Support in Obstetrics (ALSO®) was first started to address obstetric emergencies, and subsequently adapted for low-middle-income country settings as the Global ALSO®. In parallel, the Latin American obstetric anesthesia community has progressively focused on improvement of several intrapartum/intraoperative issues, which has secondarily taken them to embrace the obstetric medicine area on interest and join the former initiatives. In the present review, we summarize the available data regarding medical morbidity and mortality in pregnancy in Latin America, as well as the challenges, achievements, issues, initiatives, and future directions encouraging maternal health educators, health care trainers, and physicians in middle- and low-income countries, such as many Latin American ones, to improve and/or change attitudes, if needed, on current clinical practice.

Adoption and Evolution of Cash Transfer Programs in Latin America

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabián A. Borges
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Low Income ◽  
School Attendance ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Conditional Cash Transfer ◽  
Cash Transfer ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Transfer Programs ◽  
Robust Evidence

The last two decades witnessed an unprecedented decline in poverty across the developing world, a decline partly explained by the adoption of social cash transfer programs. Ironically, Latin America, traditionally the world’s most unequal region, has been a global trendsetter in this regard. Beginning in the late 1990s, governments across the region and across the ideological spectrum began adopting conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs, which award poor families regular stipends conditional on their children attending school and/or getting regular medical check-ups, and non-contributory pension (NCP) schemes for low-income and/or uncovered seniors. There is robust evidence that CCT programs achieve their short-term goals of reducing poverty while increasing school attendance and usage of health services. However, they do not improve learning and appear to be failing at their long-term goal of breaking the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Likely as a result of low-quality education, long-term CCT beneficiaries do not have significantly better economic prospects than comparable non-beneficiaries. CCTs also have electoral effects—there is robust evidence from across the region that they increase support for incumbent presidential candidates. CCTs were a response to the two big transformations the region underwent during the 1980s: the debt crisis and subsequent lost decade and the transition of most countries to democracy. Increased economic insecurity following the crisis and subsequent neoliberal reforms represented both a threat to the survival of newly elected governments and an opportunity for politicians to win over voters through increased social assistance. Pioneered by Mexico and Brazil in the mid-1990s, CCTs were by far the most effective policies to emerge from that context. They quickly diffused across the region, often with support from international financial institutions. Counterintuitively, adoption appears to be unrelated to the ascendance of left-wing governments in the region during the 2000s. The politics of CCT design are less understood. The myriad ways in which design can be conceptualized and measured, combined with the relative newness of this literature, have limited the accumulation of knowledge. It does appear that left-wing governments adopt more expansive CCTs and de-emphasize conditionality enforcement. Whereas their initial adoption and expansion, which coincided with the 2000s economic boom, proved politically easy, further reductions in poverty will require politically difficult choices, namely, raising taxes and/or redirecting funds away from programs benefiting the better-off. Improving the long-term effectiveness of CCTs will require improving education quality, which in turn will require challenging the region’s powerful teachers’ unions.

Urban Popular Movements in Latin America

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Dosh
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Acceptable Solution ◽  
Neighborhood Organizations ◽  
Awkward Position ◽  
Popular Movements ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Social Safety Nets

In Latin America, urban popular movements emerged in the late 1940s as thousands of low-income migrants and city residents banded together to claim land, build self-help housing, and forge neighborhood organizations that fomented community participation and mobilized to demand land titles and city services. These neighborhoods were characterized by informal housing; inadequate provision of electricity, water, sanitation, transportation, and social services; and informal employment and underemployment. During the authoritarianism of the 1960s and 1970s, some urban popular movements resisted military dictatorship while others forged clientelist ties. Democratic and authoritarian leaders alike were forced to deal with the steady influx of rural migrants to cities, and regimes of all types often came to view informal neighborhoods founded by urban popular movements as an acceptable solution to some of the challenges of urbanization. In the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberal privatization of public utilities and cuts to social safety nets harmed urban popular movements, but national and local democratization expanded some avenues of participation, and the regional trend of urban popular movements expanded in numbers and extended its geographic reach. In the 2000s, socialist “Pink Tide” governments delivered benefits to low-income sectors, and many popular sectors supported these leftist regimes. Material gains proved modest, however, and state-movement alliances were rocky, leaving urban popular movements in the awkward position of being dissatisfied with national leadership, yet preferring the Pink Tide incumbents to most alternatives. And in the 2010s, a new “right turn” emerged, as conservative leaders replaced many Pink Tide presidents, threatening to reintroduce the repressive over-policing of popular sectors. Throughout these periods, the core conceptual identity of some urban popular movements shifted from the poblador (the “founder” seeking to meet his or her family’s needs) to the vecino (the “neighbor” collaborating with other movement participants through collective efforts), to the ciudadano (the empowered “citizen” who recognizes his or her needs as rights to be secured through political engagement).

scholarly journals Do Trade and Investment Agreements Promote Foreign Direct Investment within Latin America? Evidence from a Structural Gravity Model

Mathematics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 1882
Author(s):  
Marta Bengoa ◽  
Blanca Sanchez-Robles ◽  
Yochanan Shachmurove
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Gravity Model ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Low Income Countries ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Investment Protection

Latin America has experienced a surge in foreign direct investment (FDI) in the last two decades, in parallel with the ratification of major regional trade agreements (RTAs) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs). This paper uses the latest developments in the structural gravity model theory to study if the co-existence of BITs and two major regional agreements, Mercosur and the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI), exerts enhancing or overlapping effects on FDI for eleven countries in Latin America over the period 1995–2018. The study is novel as it accounts for variations in the degree of investment protection across BITs within Latin America by computing a quality index of BITs. It also explores the nature of interactions (enhancing/overlapping effects) between RTAs and BITs. The findings reveal that belonging to a well-established regional trade agreement, such as Mercosur, is significantly more effective than BITs in fostering intra-regional FDI. Phasing-in effects are large and significant and there is evidence of enhancing effects. Results within the bloc are heterogeneous: BITs exert a positive, but small effect, for middle income countries. However, BITs are not effective in attracting FDI in the case of middle to low income countries, unless these countries ratify BITs with a high degree of investment protection.

US election could affect remittances to Latin America

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Low Income Families

Subject Growing remittances to Latin America. Significance Family remittances to Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) have been growing strongly in a year when immigration has become a central and controversial election issue in the United States. Impacts Strong remittance growth will have a positive impact on millions of low-income families in the region. A Trump presidency could lead to reduced LAC-US migration and a tax on remittances, probably slowing growth in 2017-18. LAC migrants and their families are set to benefit further from an expected continuing fall in sending costs.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document