scholarly journals Polotia recepta. Mapa Księstwa Połockiego – teksty i preteksty sporu o władzę

Terminus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (2 (59)) ◽  
pp. 97-133
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Franczak

Polotia recepta. A Map of the Principality of Polatsk: Texts and Pretexts of thePower Dispute This study discusses an important aspect of a political message conveyed by Stanisław Pachołowiecki’s map, published in 1580 by G.B Cavalieri’s printing house in Rome as part of The Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk – Descriptio Ducatus Polocensis. The message in question is one of the paratexts, presenting a detailed historical note on Polatsk and the Principality. The main goal of the study is to prove a double hypothesis, first that the note on Polatsk was a key argument legitimising the rule of Stephen Báthory – contested by Tsar Ivan the Terrible – not only over the small territory under dispute but over the whole Great Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and second, that the decision to aim the first Polish-Lithuanian military offensive in the 1577–1582 war at Polatsk was motivated by political rather than military or strategic considerations. In section I, preliminary assumptions, theses and research methods are presented. Then, in section II, the context of the propaganda campaign, as Pachołowiecki’s map ideological framework, is introduced. This is followed by a critical analysis of the historical note, based on Polish and Ruthenian-Lithuanian sources (III.1). The next section (III.2) demonstrates that Polatsk held a central place in the Muscovite political discourse. Having proclaimed himself a heir to the throne of the Great Duchy and to the crown of Poland, Ivan the Terrible seized the land of Polatsk, and the efficient Muscovite diplomacy started to assert the tsar’s alleged dynastic claim to Lithuania and Poland. In this way, the manipulated history of the “recovered Polatsk”, Polotia recepta, argued to be a historical part of Lithuania, can be seen as a reply to the Muscovite discourse of power drawing on dynastic claims to a non-existent duchy, and the key matter is the legitimisation of elective monarchy as opposed to hereditary one. Having discussed the theatrical and iconic form of the Polish triumph over Ivan the Terrible (III.3), the author highlights the long life of the political myth of the Polatsk statehood and its sign ificance for today’s Belarusian identity discourse.

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-120
Author(s):  
Piotr Kuligowski

This article presents a conceptual history of representation in the political debates of the Polish émigré community in the period 1832–1846/48. As I argue, while the concept was present in the output of all political environments of the Polish Great Emigration, there were more discrepancies than similarities about how to understand it. As a result of debates about what the Polish diaspora in exile actually was and who had the right to represent it, the concept became a part and parcel of political frays. In this way, the right to use it—and consequently to represent the whole Polish community and Polish nation as well—occupied a central place in the evolution of the concept of representation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-150
Author(s):  
Matthew Leigh

This paper studies examples of how exponents of Roman declamation could insert into arguments on the trivial, even fantastic, cases known as controuersiae statements of striking relevance to the political culture of the triumviral and early imperial period. This is particularly apparent in the Controuersiae of Seneca the Elder but some traces remain in the Minor Declamations attributed to Quintilian. The boundaries separating Rome itself from the declamatory city referred to by modern scholars as Sophistopolis are significantly blurred even in those instances where the exercise does not turn on a specific event from Roman history, and there is much to be gained from how the declaimers deploy Roman historical examples. Some of the most sophisticated instances of mediated political comment exploit the employment of universalizing sententiae, which have considerable bite when they are related to contemporary Roman discourse and experience. The declamation schools are a forum for thinking through the implications of the transformation of the Roman state and deserve a place within any history of Roman political thought.


Author(s):  
Anna Kuznyetsova

The article deals with the review of contemporary state of the study of the political discourse addressee category in the works of East-European linguists; the topicality and importance of the study of the addressee category is substantiated. Inadequate attention towards the research of the discourse addressee constituent in comparison to the text constituent and the forwarder constituent of the political discourse is pointed out. The necessary connection with the addressness (targeting) category in the study of the political discourse addressee constituent is emphasized. The paper includes a brief history of the research of the addressness (targeting) category, as it is the basis of the study of the political discourse addressee phenomenon. It is shown that the attention to an addressee as a category appeared in linguistics quite a while ago and can be attributed primarily to the works of M. Bakhtin and Yu. Lotman, owing to who the interest to the category in question was spread throughout other European linguistic schools and university research departments. Notwithstanding its long history, the categorical features of text and discourse targeting are still not formulated clearly enough, either in linguistic or in non-linguistic paradigms; however, the necessity of the multi-paradigm studies is acknowledged. There exist a few papers, published within the last decade, in which certain attempts were made to outline and determine categorical features of the addressee category. However, they either dealt with other kinds of discourse, for instance, with the belles-lettres one, or were made on a limited research material. Hence, the category in question remains poorly studied, and this fact only emphasizes the timeliness of its further research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Patricio Dugnani

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Comunicação, Medo, Política, Mídia, Sociedade de Consumo ABSTRACTIn this article we will examine the issue of fear, and the political use of fear, comparing two cases of such use of the strategy of fear in the political discourse of the television media, which were carried out in two different moments, in the election campaigns of the presidential elections of 2002 and 2014. In addition, we seek to relate the speech of fear in the media, the conditions of uncertainty, the pursuit of pleasure, consumption and individualism brought in post-modernity. From a critical analysis of social conditions, it is intended to investigate how fear, potentiated by the media, is capable of producing an effect of alienation that can create a speech that ends up repeating themselves mechanically, reproducing and extending artificial concepts introduced actions socially, producing even the proliferation of prejudices, easy and stereotyped discourses. KEYS WORDS: Communication, Fear, Politics, Media, Postmodernism, Consumer society  ResumenEn este artículo examinaremos la cuestión de miedo y el uso político del miedo, comparación de dos casos de uso de la estrategia del miedo en el discurso político de los medios de televisión, que se llevaron a cabo en dos momentos diferentes, en las campañas electorales de las elecciones presidenciales de 2002 y 2014. Además, buscamos relacionar el discurso del miedo en los medios de comunicación, las condiciones de incertidumbre, la búsqueda de placer y el individualismo en la postmodernidad. Desde un análisis crítico de las condiciones sociales, el objetivo es investigar cómo miedo, potenciada por los medios de comunicación, es capaz de producir un efecto de alienación que puede crear un discurso que termina repitiendo mecánicamente, reproducción y el aumento de conceptos artificiales introdujeron acciones socialmente, produciendo incluso la proliferación de prejuicios y estereotipos de discursos. Palabras clave: comunicación, miedo, política, medios de comunicación, sociedad de consumo. Disponível em:Url:http://opendepot.org/2781/Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo 


Author(s):  
Alice Franchina ◽  
Francesco Maggio ◽  
Starlight Vattano

The objective of this study is that one, starting from the initial considerations, to give back to the history of architecture, through drawing as a critical means of inquiry, the thought and work of some women-architect who, between 1926 and 1962, have designed and/or built buildings of fine architectural quality. The critical re-drawing, which in this case is mimetic to the construction of the project, wants to make manifest the thought of some figures of the Modern Movement often relegated to an unknown fate; in particular it analyses a part of the activity of Lilly Reich, Helena Niemirowska Syrkus and Charlotte Perriand. The study aims to build a graphic inedited and exhaustive repertory of some unrealized projects, carried out by these women that can be defined “pioneer” of modern architecture, giving back a female thought of the project's construction. The drawing of architecture, as ambit of critical analysis, in this study assumes a substantial role when it investigates the project which is the central place of its true expression.


2000 ◽  
Vol 86 (4) ◽  
pp. 1871 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Patterson ◽  
Brian C. Schmidt ◽  
Spencer R. Weart ◽  
Gary B. Ostrower

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 277
Author(s):  
Michele Kapp Trevisan ◽  
Eduardo Biscayno De Prá ◽  
Mariana Fagundes Goethel

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Comunicação, Medo, Política, Mídia, Sociedade de Consumo ABSTRACTIn this article we will examine the issue of fear, and the political use of fear, comparing two cases of such use of the strategy of fear in the political discourse of the television media, which were carried out in two different moments, in the election campaigns of the presidential elections of 2002 and 2014. In addition, we seek to relate the speech of fear in the media, the conditions of uncertainty, the pursuit of pleasure, consumption and individualism brought in post-modernity. From a critical analysis of social conditions, it is intended to investigate how fear, potentiated by the media, is capable of producing an effect of alienation that can create a speech that ends up repeating themselves mechanically, reproducing and extending artificial concepts introduced actions socially, producing even the proliferation of prejudices, easy and stereotyped discourses. KEYSWORDS: Communication, Fear, Politics, Media, Postmodernism, Consumer society  ResumenEn este artículo examinaremos la cuestión de miedo y el uso político del miedo, comparación de dos casos de uso de la estrategia del miedo en el discurso político de los medios de televisión, que se llevaron a cabo en dos momentos diferentes, en las campañas electorales de las elecciones presidenciales de 2002 y 2014. Además, buscamos relacionar el discurso del miedo en los medios de comunicación, las condiciones de incertidumbre, la búsqueda de placer y el individualismo en la postmodernidad. Desde un análisis crítico de las condiciones sociales, el objetivo es investigar cómo miedo, potenciada por los medios de comunicación, es capaz de producir un efecto de alienación que puede crear un discurso que termina repitiendo mecánicamente, reproducción y el aumento de conceptos artificiales introdujeron acciones socialmente, produciendo incluso la proliferación de prejuicios y estereotipos de discursos. Palabras clave: comunicación, miedo, política, medios de comunicación, sociedad de consumo. Disponível em:Url:http://opendepot.org/2780/ Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-477
Author(s):  
Iain Ferguson ◽  
Sergei Akopov

Abstract Russia’s use of force in Ukraine has been described as a challenge to the rule of international law and an event of unilateral intervention. This paper provides a reinterpretation of this standard history of Russian revisionism. Our new history places this practice in a global governance context through an analysis of the politics concerning the international legal norm of ‘non-intervention’ and its legitimate/illegitimate exceptions for collective intervention. This analysis discloses a practice of Russian diplomacy that emerges out of resistance to humanitarian interventions advocated for by Western states. This practice justifies its own state-bound humanitarian intervention as the legitimate exception to the foundation of international order, which Russian diplomacy had previously sought to restore. We argue the political discourse of the worldview of ‘state civilization’ explains these events of Russian revisionism. We conclude with an analysis of the international paradoxes of peace and conflict contingent on this Russian worldview.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document