Using Enfranchisement to Fight Woman Suffrage, 1917–1932

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York State ◽  
National Level ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
Publishing Company ◽  
York State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
State Association ◽  
National Headquarters

This chapter tells of the expected end of the anti-suffrage movement, highlighting much of the public and residual animosity toward women's enfranchisement. The women antis restructured the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage as the Women Voters' Anti-Suffrage Party and worked against a federal amendment. The Woman Patriot Publishing Company absorbed the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage. Although New York State anti-suffragists had always been influential in national level work, in 1917, with a change in leadership, they moved the national headquarters to Washington, D.C., and continued their efforts to prevent the passage of the federal amendment. Men increasingly dominated the movement, and the anti-suffrage tone became desperate-sounding and even venomous. The national movement operated in a far different mode from the previous women's anti-suffrage movement under its second president, Alice Hay Wadsworth, and her successor, Mary G. Kilbreth.

Antis Win the New York State Campaign, 1912–1915

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York State ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
York State ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
State Association

Activities of the anti-suffrage movement ebbed and flowed with those of the suffrage movement, suggesting the responsive nature of both movements. This chapter focuses on this process. The leadership of Alice Hill Chittenden, elected in the fall of 1912 to serve as president of the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage, accounts for the increased politicization of the anti-suffrage movement. Anti-suffragists won this battle, apparent in the results of the November 1915 referendum. However, it is also apparent by 1915 that anti-suffrage leaders faced serious challenges to their campaign to prevent enfranchisement, leading to a far different campaign for the 1917 referendum.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New York State ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
Eastern United States ◽  
White House ◽  
York State ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
National Woman's Party

This concluding chapter explores the ways that suffragists used their enfranchisement to push the Nineteenth Amendment forward. The book's study places New York State at the forefront of the woman suffrage movement in the eastern United States. Its success had a profound effect on the national movement. As seems usual for suffragists, there is no one path activists followed. Some women, radicalized by their efforts in New York State, joined the militant National Woman's Party and picketed the White House. Others took their organizing skills, including canvassing and lobbying, to campaigns in non-suffrage states. Ultimately, the activism of the disparate groups that comprised the successful state suffrage movement infused the national campaign for woman suffrage with newfound energy.

DEFINING THE PUBLIC GOOD IN THE U.S. GILDED AGE, 1883–1898: “FREEDOM OF CONTRACT” VERSUS “INTERNAL POLICE” IN THE TORTURED HISTORY OF EMPLOYMENT LAW AND REGULATION

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary O. Furner
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Public Good ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
New York State ◽  
National Level ◽  
Productive Capacity ◽  
York State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Freedom Of Contract ◽  
The U.S

Long recognized as a case that left tenement cigar workers in New York City unprotected from hazards to their health, the New York State high court'sIn re Jacobsruling in 1885 also raised anew disagreements regarding the extent of legislative powers known as “police” that were reserved to the states by the federal constitution. Upholding unfettered freedom of contract, theJacobsruling prevailed as a governing precedent through a string of related cases until its reversal inHolden v. Hardy, 1898, a working hours law for Utah miners and smelter workers. BetweenJacobsandHolden, new thinking emerged on the meaning of class, the role of government, and the drivers of the wealth of nations. InHolden, drawing fromMunn v. Illinois, the U.S. Supreme Court located a public interest in sustaining the health and strength of such workers on the grounds that the entire public depended on their productive capacity to ensure the public good of a strong and growing state economy. This precedent did not hold for New York State bakers inLochner v. New York, but it became controlling again inWest Coast Hotel v. Parish, which elevated the broadened conception of “police” fromHoldento the national level. As labor union membership along with other vital structures of the New Deal order have declined during the New Gilded Age, employment regulation has tended to relapse toward the individualist, contractarian regime of the Old Gilded Age announced inIn re Jacobs.

Tenuous Ties

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
African American Men ◽  
New York State ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
York State ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
National Organizations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Woman Suffrage Movement

This chapter details the development of a woman suffrage movement in New York State as it positions the state in the broad historical context of the national woman suffrage movement. Some rural upstate New Yorkers demanded social and political reforms for women well before the Civil War. As a result of controversy sparked by the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted African American men the right to vote, women founded two national organizations and the New York State Woman Suffrage Association. State leaders dominated the movement in terms of strategy and tactics, and several of them rose to national prominence. By the last decade of the nineteenth century, suffragists had come to recognize the importance of fluidity and pliability in addressing their appeals to the broadest possible audiences. The divergent groups advocating for women's enfranchisement disagreed with each other over specific strategies, tactics, and whom to include, but they unfailingly agreed that women needed the vote.

scholarly journals A statewide analysis of SARS-CoV-2 transmission in New York

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Lasek-Nesselquist ◽  
Navjot Singh ◽  
Alexis Russell ◽  
Daryl Lamson ◽  
John Kelly ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
New York State ◽  
The United States ◽  
York State ◽  
Multiple Introductions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Travel Restrictions ◽  
Westchester County

AbstractNew York State, in particular the New York City metropolitan area, was the early epicenter of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in the United States. Similar to initial pandemic dynamics in many metropolitan areas, multiple introductions from various locations appear to have contributed to the swell of positive cases. However, representation and analysis of samples from New York regions outside the greater New York City area were lacking, as were SARS-CoV-2 genomes from the earliest cases associated with the Westchester County outbreak, which represents the first outbreak recorded in New York State. The Wadsworth Center, the public health laboratory of New York State, sought to characterize the transmission dynamics of SARS-CoV-2 across the entire state of New York from March to September with the addition of over 600 genomes from under-sampled and previously unsampled New York counties and to more fully understand the breadth of the initial outbreak in Westchester County. Additional sequencing confirmed the dominance of B.1 and descendant lineages (collectively referred to as B.1.X) in New York State. Community structure, phylogenetic, and phylogeographic analyses suggested that the Westchester outbreak was associated with continued transmission of the virus throughout the state, even after travel restrictions and the on-pause measures of March, contributing to a substantial proportion of the B.1 transmission clusters as of September 30th, 2020.

Routine Screening of Women for Gonorrhea (Is "Offer" of Tests Enough?)

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-124
Author(s):  
Selig H. Katz
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
New York ◽  
New York State ◽  
Termination Of Pregnancy ◽  
Routine Screening ◽  
Health Law ◽  
Public Health Law ◽  
York State ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Resident

In a letter published in the August 1973 issue, Dr. Hania W. Ris suggests routine screening of women for gonorrhea. A recently enacted amendment to the Public Health Law of New York State requires all physicians, clinics or facilities providing gynecological, obstetrical, contraceptive, sterilization or termination-of-pregnancy services or treatment to offer to administer to every New York State resident coming for such services or treatment, appropriate tests for the detection of syphilis and gonorrhea.

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