Dialectical Relationships

Author(s):  
Elizabeth McKillen

This chapter examines the themes of collaboration and resistance during the period of U.S. belligerency. It first considers the controversy over the Root diplomatic mission, led by American Federation of Labor (AFL) Vice President James Duncan, that visited Russia in the wake of the March revolution that overthrew the Czar. It then discusses the debate over the collaborationist strategies of AFL and the prowar Socialists throughout World War I, along with the antiwar culture of the Industrial Workers of the World and its decision to continue strike and organizing activities despite government pleas for patriotic unity. It also explores the Socialist Party's anticonscription and antiwar activities as well as the AFL's collaboration with the Wilson administration in promoting its war policies both at home and abroad.

Author(s):  
Peter Cole

Perhaps the most important radical labor union in U.S. history, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) continues to attract workers, in and beyond the United States. The IWW was founded in 1905 in Chicago—at that time, the greatest industrial city in a country that had become the world’s mightiest economy. Due to the nature of industrial capitalism in what, already, had become a global economy, the IWW and its ideals quickly became a worldwide phenomenon. The Wobblies, as members were and still are affectionately known, never were as numerically large as mainstream unions, but their influence, particularly from 1905 into the 1920s, was enormous. The IWW captured the imaginations of countless rebellious workers with its fiery rhetoric, daring tactics, and commitment to revolutionary industrial unionism. The IWW pledged to replace the “bread and butter” craft unionism of the larger, more mainstream American Federation of Labor (AFL), with massive industrial unions strong enough to take on ever-larger corporations and, ultimately, overthrow capitalism to be replaced with a society based upon people rather than profit. In the United States, the union grew in numbers and reputation, before and during World War I, by organizing workers neglected by other unions—immigrant factory workers in the Northeast and Midwest, migratory farmworkers in the Great Plains, and mine, timber, and harvest workers out West. Unlike most other unions of that era, the IWW welcomed immigrants, women, and people of color; truly, most U.S. institutions excluded African Americans and darker-skinned immigrants as well as women, making the IWW among the most radically inclusive institutions in the country and world. Wobbly ideas, members, and publications soon spread beyond the United States—first to Mexico and Canada, then into the Caribbean and Latin America, and to Europe, southern Africa, and Australasia in rapid succession. The expansion of the IWW and its ideals across the world in under a decade is a testament to the passionate commitment of its members. It also speaks to the immense popularity of anticapitalist tendencies that shared more in common with anarchism than social democracy. However, the IWW’s revolutionary program and class-war rhetoric yielded more enemies than allies, including governments, which proved devastating during and after World War I, though the union soldiered on. Even in 2020, the ideals the IWW espoused continued to resonate among a small but growing and vibrant group of workers, worldwide.


2019 ◽  
pp. 106-126
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

In 1909 the California State Federation of Labor (CSFL) voted to direct resources toward organizing migrant workers within a new branch of American Federation of Labor (AFL) affiliated United Laborers locals throughout the state. These locals gave form to a largely top-down attempt by the Anglo-dominated trade union to organize nonwhite unskilled laborers. This effort placed the AFL in the same organizing terrain as the expanding Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Competition between the unions, internal conflicts within the AFL, and the structural difficulties of organizing mobile workers at temporary jobsites all contributed to the CSFL withdrawing support for the United Laborers in 1912 and all of the United Laborers locals shuttering by 1913.


2019 ◽  
pp. 157-183
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), and unaffiliated anarchists and sympathizers contributed to a multicentered local movement in Los Angeles between 1911 and 1917. This chapter examines events in Wheatland, California; Rangel-Cline in Texas; Los Angeles’s 1913 Christmas riot; the Army of the Unemployed in Los Angeles; and a revolutionary plot in Arizona in 1915. Los Angeles also increased its importance as a publishing center for Spanish language radical newspapers in these years. Newspapers increased Los Angeles’s visibility and significance in the global movement. The local movement successfully weathered internal conflicts before World War I-era repression reshaped its ability to act and formulate its own terms of struggle.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth McKillen

This chapter explores how the Mexican revolution helped to catalyze a debate within U.S. labor, Socialist, and immigrant Left circles over Woodrow Wilson's internationalist principles that would grow significantly in the coming years. It shows that most labor and Socialist participants in the debate over U.S. foreign policy toward Mexico converged in trying to prevent a U.S. military occupation of Mexico. It also considers the reactions of groups such as the American Federation of Labor (AFL), the United Mine Workers of America, Partido Liberal Mexicano, Industrial Workers of the World, and the Socialist Party regarding Wilson's claim that his military interventions in Mexico were designed to help the Mexican people rather than to protect American corporate interests. Finally, it discusses the disagreements among labor and Socialist groups over a host of issues, such as whether industrial democracy or an end to imperialism could be achieved within a capitalist context.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth McKillen

This intellectually ambitious study explores the significance of Wilsonian internationalism for workers and the influence of American labor in both shaping and undermining the foreign policies and war mobilization efforts of Woodrow Wilson's Administration. The book highlights the major fault lines that emerged within labor circles as Wilson pursued his agenda in the context of Mexican and European revolutions, World War I, and the Versailles Peace Conference. The book's spotlight falls on the American Federation of Labor, whose leadership collaborated extensively with Wilson, assisting with propaganda, policy, and diplomacy. At the same time, other labor groups (and even sub-groups within the AFL) vehemently opposed Wilsonian internationalism. As the book shows, the choice to collaborate with or resist U.S. foreign policy remained an important one for labor throughout the twentieth century. In fact, it continues to resonate today in debates over the global economy, wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the impact of U.S. policies on workers at home and abroad.


2019 ◽  
pp. 209-228
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

This chapter examines the reemergence of the anarchist and syndicalist movements in Los Angeles after World War I. This took place against the backdrop of the Russian Revolution in 1917 and then the slow growth of Communist parties in Los Angeles and Mexico through the 1920s. This chapter also discusses former Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) members Enrique Flores Magón and Librado Rivera organizing in Mexico. In Los Angeles the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), Kropotkin Literary Society, Libertario Centro, and Open Forum grew to be the largest organizations on the radical left and institutionalized their presence to a greater degree than any examined in this book.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Montgomery

In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on both sides of the border, and the path to union growth was opened by revolution. Consequently the AFL forged links there with a labor movement very different from itself. Unions in Mexico became tightly linked to their new government, while World War I drove the AFL's leaders into close collaboration with their own. The Pan-American Federation of Labor was more a product of diplomatic maneuvering than of class solidarity.


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