AL-QUR’AN DITURUNKAN DALAM TUJUH HURUF

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-30
Author(s):  
Hamnah Hamnah
Keyword(s):  
Practical Science ◽  
History Of

The history of the development of Qirā'āt began at the time of the Prophet when the Qur'an was revealed in seven letters and continued from generation to generation to give birth to a branch of practical science, namely Qirā'āt Science. 'āt Mutawatir and Mashūr. The wisdom with the existence of various Qirā'āt is one form of the ease and flexibility of Islam for its people in worshiping and practicing the contents of its religious teachings. The various qira'at does not mean that the Qur'an has different readings which cause differences in content according to differences, but shows that the Qur'an is very rich in a variety of readings which is a greeting of its beauty..

Does Theology Belong in the University? Schleiermacherian Reflections from an Australian Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 484-495
Author(s):  
Ben Myers
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Public Theology ◽  
Christian Leadership ◽  
Christian Community ◽  
Practical Science ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
The University ◽  
Academic Theology ◽  
The Church

Abstract This article argues that theology belongs in the university not because of its relationship to the other disciplines but because of its relationship to the church. It discusses Schleiermacher’s understanding of theology as a practical science oriented towards Christian leadership in society. It argues that Schleiermacher’s account provides an illuminating perspective on the history of academic theology in Australia. Theology belongs in the university not for any internal methodological reasons but because of specific contextual conditions in societies like Australia where Christianity has exerted a large historical influence. The article concludes by arguing that the ecclesial orientation of university theology is compatible with the aims of public theology, given that service to the Christian community is a means by which the common flourishing of society can be promoted.

scholarly journals Motoda Nagazane’s standards of Confucianism – between Confucianism and Emperor Centralism

F1000Research ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 272
Author(s):  
Seogin Eom
Keyword(s):  
East Asian ◽  
Practical Science ◽  
Meiji Era ◽  
History Of ◽  
Established Fact ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Confucian Scholar

This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.

scholarly journals Motoda Nagazane’s standards of Confucianism – between Confucianism and Emperor Centralism –

F1000Research ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 272
Author(s):  
Seogin Eom
Keyword(s):  
East Asian ◽  
Practical Science ◽  
Meiji Era ◽  
History Of ◽  
Established Fact ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Confucian Scholar

This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.

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