scholarly journals A Minimalist-Based Approach to Phrasal Verb Movement in North Hail Arabic

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murdhy Radad Alshamari ◽  
Marwan Jarrah
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Internal Argument ◽  
Phrasal Verb

<p>This research explores one less-investigated though significant manifestation of verb movement in North Hail Arabic, namely verb topicalization alongside its internal argument and any accompanying adjunct. In adequate dialogical and pragmatic contexts, the lexical verb (L-verb), the direct object (DO), and VP and vP adjoining adjuncts appear to move to the Specifier position (Spec) of a dedicated Topic Phrase in the left periphery in the sense of Rizzi (1997). This quasi-holistic movement is labelled as <em>Defective Predicate Topicalization</em> (DPT), where all predicate elements, apart from Tense, move overtly to Topic Phrase. Linear order between the L-verb, the DO, and any accompanying adjuncts is assumed, among others, to be evidence supporting this contention. Furthermore, the study argues that DPT is syntactically licensed for its phrasal-movement fashion. Hence, no violation of (head-related) locality principles is involved.</p>

From indirect to direct object

Diachronica ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 382-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Troberg
Keyword(s):  
Direct Object ◽  
Small Class ◽  
Internal Argument ◽  
Selectional Restrictions ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Obvious Change ◽  
Argument Realization

This article provides an account of the shift in the expression of the internal argument of a small class of dynamic two-place verbs best represented by aider “help” from ‘dative’, i.e., as an indirect object with the preposition à, to ‘accusative’, i.e., as a direct object with no preposition. This change is not correlated with a change in the meaning of the verbs or with any obvious change in the selectional restrictions imposed on the internal argument. One of the central results of this study is to demonstrate that the shift in argument realization was systematic and part of a broader change involving the loss of directionality as a property of prepositions in French, explaining its correlation with several other related changes in verbal complementation that also occurred in the 15th century.

Linearization and typology

2019 ◽  
pp. 497-522
Author(s):  
D. Gary Miller
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Linear Order ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Prepositional Phrases ◽  
Subject Pronouns ◽  
Discourse Particles ◽  
Default Position ◽  
Object Pronouns

This chapter focuses on the linear order of phrasal constituents. Subject pronouns preferentially precede the verb directly. Object pronouns generally follow the verb. Reflexives with few exceptions follow the verb and precede non-reflexives. D-words generally precede nouns and adjectives. Only prepositional phrases occur, from which non-deictic Ds are excluded. Attributive and possessive adjectives tend to follow the noun, quantifiers to precede. The default position for genitives is postnominal. Partitive genitives are nearly always postposed. Discourse particles belong to the left periphery. Some force their host to sentence-initial, especially V1, position. In native Gothic, verbs follow predicate adjectives and auxiliaries follow verbs, as is typical of verb-final languages. Imperatives raise to the left periphery. The negator ni forms a tight constituent with the verb. The chapter closes with a brief overview of Gothic in the context of Germanic word order typology.

scholarly journals Loci of agreement and deviations from the Mirror Principle in Hungarian verbs

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 379
Author(s):  
Kevin Kwong
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Hierarchical Order ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Verbal Agreement ◽  
Object Agreement ◽  
Mirror Principle

In this revised account of Hungarian verbal agreement, I propose that the language’s locus of subject agreement is not T, unlike in current Minimalist analyses, but Pred (or Asp), just above direct object agreement in v. Furthermore, the surface linear order of affixes (stem – tense/mood – object agreement – subject agreement) does not conform to the hierarchical order of syntactic heads (V < v < Pred < T/M), thus violating the Mirror Principle, because local dislocation in postsyntactic morphology adjusts the initial linearization of the heads.

scholarly journals WH-CLAUSES IN CLASSICAL PORTUGUESE: VERB MOVEMENT AND THE LEFT PERIPHERY | ORAÇÕES-WH NO PORTUGUÊS CLÁSSICO: MOVIMENTO DO VERBO E PERIFERIA ESQUERDA

2017 ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
André Antonelli
Keyword(s):  
Previous Literature ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Verb Movement

<p>Within the generative literature on wh-interrogatives in Classical Portuguese, it is traditionally assumed that, in matrix clauses, this language shows generalized verb movement to the CP field (DAVID, 2016; KATO; MIOTO, 2005; KATO; RIBEIRO, 2009; LOPES-ROSSI, 1996). In this paper, we present further evidence which confirms such an analysis. Under a cartographic view of the CP layer (RIZZI, 1997, 2001, 2004), we show, however, that the verb does not occupy the same position in two types of wh-clauses, an aspect not discussed in the previous literature. Our proposal is that this difference is related to the fact that Classical Portuguese is characterized as a V2 language (ANTONELLI, 2011; GALVES; PAIXÃO DE SOUSA, 2017; GIBRAIL, 2010).</p><p> </p><p><strong>Resumo:</strong> No âmbito da literatura gerativista sobre interrogativas wh do português clássico, tradicionalmente se assume que, em orações matrizes, essa língua apresenta movimento generalizado do verbo para a camada CP (DAVID, 2016; KATO; MIOTO, 2005; KATO; RIBEIRO, 2009; LOPES-ROSSI, 1996). Neste artigo, apresentamos evidências adicionais que confirmam esse tipo de análise. Sob uma visão cartográfica do nível CP (RIZZI, 1997, 2001, 2004), mostramos, no entanto, que o verbo não ocupa a mesma posição em dois tipos específicos de interrogativas wh, aspecto este ainda não discutido na literatura. Nossa proposta é que essa diferença se relaciona ao fato de que o português clássico se caracteriza como uma língua V2 (ANTONELLI, 2011; GALVES; PAIXÃO DE SOUSA, 2017; GIBRAIL, 2010)<em>.</em></p><p> </p>

Generalising Asymmetric Coordination with Resumptive Pronoun: A Syntactic Analysis of Certain Dislocations in Biblical Hebrew

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent DeCaen
Keyword(s):  
Biblical Hebrew ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
The One ◽  
Special Case ◽  
Asymmetric Coordination

This study clearly distinguishes Biblical Hebrew topicalisation (fronting) from the hanging topic construction (extraposition) within the framework of the Minimalist Program. Topicalisation involves the movement of some constituent into [spec,TopP] resulting in a gap. In contrast, the hanging topic is not moved but rather base-generated in [spec,&P]. Thus, extraposition is simply a special case of asymmetric coordination. In addition, this study explains how and why these distinct constructions are easily and generally confused. On the one hand, verb movement into the left periphery may render the relative position of constituents opaque. On the other hand, and more importantly, Biblical Hebrew is a robust pro-drop language. Consequently, there may be some ambiguity between the gap resulting from clause-internal topicalisation and the apparent gap of a null subject pronoun resuming a clause-external hanging topic.

‘V2’ and clitic placement

2021 ◽  
pp. 183-212
Author(s):  
Diego Pescarini
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Medieval Romance ◽  
Lower Position ◽  
Syntactic Properties ◽  
Clitic Placement

In medieval Romance, as well as in present-day western Ibero-Romance, enclisis and proclisis alternate in finite main positive clauses. Such alternations are usually subsumed under the so-called Tobler-Mussafia law, which has been subject to several reformulations in order to relate clitic placement to other syntactic properties. This chapter shows that the hypothesis linking enclisis and verb movement is ultimately correct, although the examples supporting the hypothesis are relatively rare, the correlation between enclisis and verb movement is a bit more complicated than assumed in part of the literature, and no formal machinery proposed so far accounts adequately for clitic placement. This chapter endorses Benincà’s (1995, 2006) hypothesis, according to which the verb moves in two steps, yielding, respectively, subject inversion and V2 orders, when the verb targets a lower position in the left periphery, and enclisis, when the verb climbs higher.

scholarly journals Roots of V-to-C Movement in Romance

2022 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-229
Author(s):  
André Antonelli
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Verb Second ◽  
Verb Raising ◽  
Germanic Languages ◽  
Finite Verb

The paper investigates the syntactic structure of wh-clauses in late Latin. The results show that, in sentences with a wh-phrase as direct object, the interrogative operator reaches FocP in the left periphery, with the finite verb raising to the Foc head. This spec-head relation accounts for why subjects and dislocated XPs (like topics or focus elements) can not be intervening constituents between the object wh-phrase and the verb. For wh-clauses in which the interrogative operator is an adjunct, the hypothesis is that the wh-phrase occupies [Spec,IntP]. Here, the verb does not move to the CP-field, thus explaining the possibility of intervening subjects and interpolated XPs between the adjunct wh-element and the verb. These results show that the verb second (V2) property of V-to-C movement, as seen in several old Romance languages, can be derived from late Latin, and not exclusively from a supposed influence of Germanic languages, as is assumed in the literature.

scholarly journals The formal properties of non paradigmatic 'se'

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Romero Romero ◽  
Javier Ormazabal
Keyword(s):  
Direct Object ◽  
Internal Argument ◽  
Active Structures ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Formal Properties ◽  
Secondary Predication

Following Oca (1914), this article argues that passive and impersonal se constructions in Spanish are regular transitive constructions where the pronominal clitic seis the argumental subject. Several arguments (secondary predication, non-argumental predicates, control and obviation, anaphora binding, active morphology or its alignment with overt nominative pronouns, among others)show that (i)bothconstructions are active structures, (ii)despite what agreement facts might suggest, in both the internal argument of the verb is not the subject but the direct object throughout the derivation, (iii) se is the active nominative pronominal subject of the construction. We argue that the alleged ‘special’ properties of passive-se are not construction-specific but follow from the lexical specifications of se agreeing with Tense as a quirky subject.

scholarly journals Sobre os usos de ênclise nas estruturas subordinadas no português arcaico (About the use of enclisis on subordinated structures in Old Portuguese)

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilza Ribeiro
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Old Portuguese

O texto assume a proposta da cartografia da periferia à esquerda de Rizzi (1997) e de Benincà e Poletto (2004), na explicação do fenômeno da ênclise em construções subordinadas no português antigo. Procura mostrar que o esqueleto da periferia esquerda permite compreender não só os casos de ênclise, como também os de interpolação de constituintes entre o clítico e o verbo. Os traços do núcleo FIN são relevantes para o movimento do verbo para esta posição, por ser o protuguês arcaico um sistemaV2. Neste sistema, a ênclise resultará sempre que V verifica seu traços em FIN e não há na estrutura qualquer constituinte focalizado ou tematizado que atraía o clítico para seu núcleo. Quando a construção de recomplementação realiza os dois núcleos funcionais Força e Fin com o morfema que, a ênclise nunca é possível. A interpolação resulta de uma projeção sincrética de Força/Fin, ficando o clítico em CliticP, entre Fin e TP.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ênclise nas subordinadas. Recomplementação. Sintaxe dos clíticos no português arcaico. Interpolação.ABSTRACTIn this article we assume the proposal of Rizzi (1997), and also Benincà and Poletto (2004), about the left periphery cartography, to explain the enclisis’ fenomenon on subordinated structures in Old Portuguese. And we try to show that the skeleton of the left periphery allows us to understand not only the case of enclisis on subordinated structures, but also the interpolation of constituents between the clitic and the verb. According to our proposal the traces of FIN head are relevants to verb movement to this position because Old Portuguese is a V2 sistem. In this sistem, enclisis results whenever V checks its traces in FIN and there isn ?t on structure any constituent focused or themed that will attract the clitic to its head. When the recomplementation’s construction realizes both functional heads – FORCE and FIN – with ‘que’, enclisis is not possible. The interpolation results of a syncretic projection of FORCE/FIN, with the clític in CliticP, between FIN e TP.KEYWORDS: Enclisis on subordenated structures. Recomplementation. Syntax of clitics in Old Portuguese. Interpolation.

scholarly journals Linear order constraints on split NPs in Chichewa

2006 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 143-160
Author(s):  
Sam Mchombo
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Bantu Languages ◽  
Order Constraints

This paper focuses on restrictions on the ordering of internal constituents of noun phrases in Chichewa, especially when those constituents are discontinuous. The motivation for discontinuity of the NP constituents will be given, together with discussion of constructions that can be subsumed under this rubric but that do not really involve discontinuity in the canonical sense. These are constructions where a topic NP in a left periphery position is either linked anaphorically with a modifier "remnant" or semantically with its hyponym in post-verbal position. According to Guthrie's classification of Bantu languages, Chichewa is placed in zone N unit N31. It is regarded as a dialect of Nyanja, classified as belonging to unit N30 (Guthrie 1967-71).  

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