Generalising Asymmetric Coordination with Resumptive Pronoun: A Syntactic Analysis of Certain Dislocations in Biblical Hebrew

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent DeCaen

This study clearly distinguishes Biblical Hebrew topicalisation (fronting) from the hanging topic construction (extraposition) within the framework of the Minimalist Program. Topicalisation involves the movement of some constituent into [spec,TopP] resulting in a gap. In contrast, the hanging topic is not moved but rather base-generated in [spec,&P]. Thus, extraposition is simply a special case of asymmetric coordination. In addition, this study explains how and why these distinct constructions are easily and generally confused. On the one hand, verb movement into the left periphery may render the relative position of constituents opaque. On the other hand, and more importantly, Biblical Hebrew is a robust pro-drop language. Consequently, there may be some ambiguity between the gap resulting from clause-internal topicalisation and the apparent gap of a null subject pronoun resuming a clause-external hanging topic.

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-373
Author(s):  
Sam A. Mchombo ◽  
Yukiko Morimoto

Chicheŵa, a Bantu language of East Central Africa, displays mixed properties of configurationality such as the existence of VP, on the one hand, and discontinuous constituents (DCs), on the other. In the present work we examine the discourse and syntactic properties of DCs, and show that DCs in Chicheŵa arise naturally from the discourse-configurational nature of the language. We argue that the fronted DCs in Chicheŵa are contrastive topics that appear in a leftdislocated external topic position, with the remnant part of the split NP in the right-dislocated topic position. Once the precise discourse functions of DCs are properly integrated into the syntactic analysis, all the facts and restrictions observed in Chicheŵa DCs can be explained in a straightforward fashion.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (6) ◽  
pp. 1275-1288
Author(s):  
Abd El-Mohsen Badawy ◽  
Miroslav Haviar ◽  
Miroslav Ploščica

AbstractThe notion of a congruence pair for principal MS-algebras, simpler than the one given by Beazer for K2-algebras [6], is introduced. It is proved that the congruences of the principal MS-algebras L correspond to the MS-congruence pairs on simpler substructures L°° and D(L) of L that were associated to L in [4].An analogy of a well-known Grätzer’s problem [11: Problem 57] formulated for distributive p-algebras, which asks for a characterization of the congruence lattices in terms of the congruence pairs, is presented here for the principal MS-algebras (Problem 1). Unlike a recent solution to such a problem for the principal p-algebras in [2], it is demonstrated here on the class of principal MS-algebras, that a possible solution to the problem, though not very descriptive, can be simple and elegant.As a step to a more descriptive solution of Problem 1, a special case is then considered when a principal MS-algebra L is a perfect extension of its greatest Stone subalgebra LS. It is shown that this is exactly when de Morgan subalgebra L°° of L is a perfect extension of the Boolean algebra B(L). Two examples illustrating when this special case happens and when it does not are presented.


2001 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 1865-1883 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chaz Schlindwein

One of the main goals in the theory of forcing iteration is to formulate preservation theorems for not collapsing ω1 which are as general as possible. This line leads from c.c.c. forcings using finite support iterations to Axiom A forcings and proper forcings using countable support iterations to semi-proper forcings using revised countable support iterations, and more recently, in work of Shelah, to yet more general classes of posets. In this paper we concentrate on a special case of the very general iteration theorem of Shelah from [5, chapter XV]. The class of posets handled by this theorem includes all semi-proper posets and also includes, among others, Namba forcing.In [5, chapter XV] Shelah shows that, roughly, revised countable support forcing iterations in which the constituent posets are either semi-proper or Namba forcing or P[W] (the forcing for collapsing a stationary co-stationary subset ofwith countable conditions) do not collapse ℵ1. The iteration must contain sufficiently many cardinal collapses, for example, Levy collapses. The most easily quotable combinatorial application is the consistency (relative to a Mahlo cardinal) of ZFC + CH fails + whenever A ∪ B = ω2 then one of A or B contains an uncountable sequentially closed subset. The iteration Shelah uses to construct this model is built using P[W] to “attack” potential counterexamples, Levy collapses to ensure that the cardinals collapsed by the various P[W]'s are sufficiently well separated, and Cohen forcings to ensure the failure of CH in the final model.In this paper we give details of the iteration theorem, but we do not address the combinatorial applications such as the one quoted above.These theorems from [5, chapter XV] are closely related to earlier work of Shelah [5, chapter XI], which dealt with iterated Namba and P[W] without allowing arbitrary semi-proper forcings to be included in the iteration. By allowing the inclusion of semi-proper forcings, [5, chapter XV] generalizes the conjunction of [5, Theorem XI.3.6] with [5, Conclusion XI.6.7].


2004 ◽  
Vol 04 (01) ◽  
pp. 63-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
OLIVER JENKINSON

Given a non-empty finite subset A of the natural numbers, let EA denote the set of irrationals x∈[0,1] whose continued fraction digits lie in A. In general, EA is a Cantor set whose Hausdorff dimension dim (EA) is between 0 and 1. It is shown that the set [Formula: see text] intersects [0,1/2] densely. We then describe a method for accurately computing dimensions dim (EA), and employ it to investigate numerically the way in which [Formula: see text] intersects [1/2,1]. These computations tend to support the conjecture, first formulated independently by Hensley, and by Mauldin & Urbański, that [Formula: see text] is dense in [0,1]. In the important special case A={1,2}, we use our computational method to give an accurate approximation of dim (E{1,2}), improving on the one given in [18].


2017 ◽  
Vol 139 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessio Artoni ◽  
Massimo Guiggiani

The teeth of ordinary spur and helical gears are generated by a (virtual) rack provided with planar generating surfaces. The resulting tooth surface shapes are a circle-involute cylinder in the case of spur gears, and a circle-involute helicoid for helical gears. Advantages associated with involute geometry are well known. Beveloid gears are often regarded as a generalization of involute cylindrical gears involving one additional degree-of-freedom, in that the midplane of their (virtual) generating rack is inclined with respect to the axis of the gear being generated. A peculiarity of their generation process is that the motion of the generating planar surface, seen from the fixed space, is a rectilinear translation (while the gear blank is rotated about a fixed axis); the component of such translation that is orthogonal to the generating plane is the one that ultimately dictates the shape of the generated, envelope surface. Starting from this basic fact, we set out to revisit this type of generation-by-envelope process and to profitably use it to explore peculiar design layouts, in particular for the case of motion transmission between skew axes (and intersecting axes as a special case). Analytical derivations demonstrate the possibility of involute helicoid profiles (beveloids) transmitting motion between skew axes through line contact and, perhaps more importantly, they lead to the derivation of designs featuring insensitivity of the transmission ratio to all misalignments within relatively large limits. The theoretical developments are confirmed by various numerical examples.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elly van Gelderen

I review the proposal made by Sigurðsson (2011) that null arguments follow from third-factor principles, as in Chomsky 2005 . A number of issues remain unclear: for instance, the kind of topic that licenses null arguments in Modern Germanic, including Modern English. I argue that Old English is pro drop and add to the discussion Frascarelli (2007) started as to which topic licenses a null subject. I agree with Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl (2007) that the licensing topic in Modern Germanic and Old English is an aboutness-shift topic. I also argue that verb movement to C is necessary to license the empty argument in the modern Germanic languages (including Modern English), but not in Old English, since agreement is still responsible for licensing in that language, as in Italian.


PMLA ◽  
1960 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. E. Grenander

In recent years, critical attention has focussed increasingly on The Princess Casamassima, Henry James's novel of the international revolutionary movement seething beneath the surface of society. The sad wisdom of the mid-twentieth century no longer finds incredible the plot earlier critics dismissed as footling melodrama; and with a recognition of its probability, students of James have undertaken a re-examination of the whole novel. Oddly enough, however, little attention has been paid to its reliance on Roderick Hudson, where the Princess Casamassima first appears. The one significant exception has been a short essay by Louise Bogan, though Christina's complexity and interest have attracted other writers. Yet Roderick Hudson deserves study for its own merits; and, as Miss Bogan has pointed out, the character of the Princess is difficult to interpret unless one also remembers her as Christina Light. It is not true, as Miss Bogan asserts (p. 472), that Christina is “the only figure [James] ever ‘revived’ and carried from one book to another,” for not only do Madame Grandoni and the Prince Casamassima share her transposition; the sculptor Gloriani, who makes his debut in Roderick Hudson, reappears in The Ambassadors. But it is true, as Cargill more accurately points out (p. 108), that “Christina is the only major [italics mine] character that James ever revived from an earlier work,” for he questioned the wisdom of indulging wholesale the writer's “revivalist impulse” to “go on with a character.” Hence Christina Light must have struck him as a very special case. He tells us that he felt, “toward the end of ‘Roderick,‘ that the Princess Casamassima had been launched, that, wound-up with the right silver key, she would go on a certain time by the motion communicated” (AN, p. 18). In the Preface to The Princess Casamassima he continues this train of thought: Christina Light, “extremely disponible” and knowing herself “striking, in the earlier connexion,… couldn't resign herself not to strike again” (AN, pp. 73, 74).


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 693-704
Author(s):  
Harun Karsli ◽  
Paulina Pych-Taberska

Abstract We consider the Bézier variant of Chlodovsky–Durrmeyer operators 𝐷𝑛,α for functions 𝑓 measurable and locally bounded on the interval [0,∞). By using the Chanturia modulus of variation we estimate the rate of pointwise convergence of (𝐷𝑛,α 𝑓) (𝑥) at those 𝑥 > 0 at which the one-sided limits 𝑓(𝑥+), 𝑓(𝑥–) exist. In the special case α = 1 the recent result of [Ibikli, Karsli, J. Inequal. Pure Appl. Math. 6: 12, 2005] concerning the Chlodovsky–Durrmeyer operators 𝐷𝑛 is essentially improved and extended to more general classes of functions.


Author(s):  
Bernhard Pöll

AbstractThis article reexamines the puzzling issue of where subjects, lexical and null, are located in Spanish and offers a novel explanation for the incompatibility of preverbal lexical subjects with fronted focussed constituents. Both SpecIP and the left periphery appear to be potential landing sites for subjects, according to discourse-pragmatic factors. Assuming that pro is a clitic, it is argued that the aforementioned incompatibility can be captured by a simple rule: SpecIP must be empty for focus fronting to occur. This is the case with pro, which adjoins to Infl, or with postverbal subjects since they remain in SpecVP. From this analysis it follows that: 1) the subject field in Spanish is less articulated than is generally assumed, 2) the differences between Spanish and other null subject languages with respect to the availability of preverbal subjets can be reduced to this rule and a different ordering of focus and topic phrases, and 3) it is unnecessary to posit two different topic positions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-192
Author(s):  
Rick Van De Water

Rabbinic tradition indicates a revision of the text of the Book of Ezekiel in the first century ce and suggests the rationale behind it. Hanania ben Hezeqiah is said to have “harmonized” Ezekiel with the Torah shortly before the first Jewish revolt, to save the book from suppression by the rabbis. Hasty redaction, followed by immediate standardization, offers the best explanation for the atrocious grammar, orthography, and syntax of the received Hebrew text, along with the plethora of words and expressions common to post-biblical Hebrew. The goal of Hanania’s project was to discourage the conflation of the enthroned figure in Ezek. 1 with the “one like a son of man” in Dan. 7:13 and thus combat the “two Powers heresy.” His project is related to the outburst of speculation on the throne of yhwh and the merkabah in the mid-first century ce


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