scholarly journals Pervivencias del neoplatonismo en la poesía de Luis de Góngora. El ciclo a los marqueses de Ayamonte

Studia Aurea ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 411-448
Author(s):  
Ginés Torres Salinas

ResumenEl ciclo de poemas que, entre 1606 y 1607, Luis de Góngora dedica a los marqueses de Ayamonte presenta una serie de elementos cuyo origen y lógica productiva puede ras-trearse en la filosofía neoplatónica que tanta difusión conoció en el Renacimiento, par-ticularmente a través de la figura de Marsilio Ficino. Nuestro propósito será estudiar cómo en estos poemas aparecen una serie de imágenes relacionadas con la luz y con el Sol; imágenes que, lejos de constituir lugares comunes, tienen su base en un conjunto de textos que desarrollan la vertiente luminosa del neoplatonismo renacentista. Mediante tales imágenes se construye el perfil lírico de los marqueses y su hija, en su dimensión de personaje público el primero, a la que, en el caso de las dos mujeres, se suma la de damas renacentistas caracterizadas por su hermosura.

1996 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 488-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henri D. Saffrey

In the western world, Plotinus was only a name until 1492. None of his treatises had been translated during the Middle Ages, and the translations dating back to antiquity had been lost. He was not totally unknown, however, thanks to scholars like Firmicus Maternus, Saint Augustine, Macrobius, and to those parts of the works of Proclus translated in the thirteenth century by William of Moerbeke. But Plotinus's own writings remained completely unknown,and as Vespasiano da Bisticci observed in his Vite, “senza i libri non si poteva fare nulla” (“without the books, nothing can be done”). This fact was to change completely only with the publication by Marsilio Ficino of his Latin translation of the Enneads.


1983 ◽  
Vol 29 (29) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Elia Nathan Bravo
Keyword(s):  

En esta época de la publicación de Diánoia no se incluían resúmenes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-92
Author(s):  
Gianluca Cuozzo

El presente artículo se centra en Marsilio Ficino y Leonardo da Vinci. Ambos autores describen la producción humana de artefactos como principios transformadores que afectan el mundo a partir de un punto de vista tanto técnico como estético. En este sentido, manus y risus se convierten en bastiones de una antropología típicamente renacentista, según la cual el homo faber se eleva a ese estado divino que juega un importante papel en la filosofía de Nicolás de Cusa; mientras la mano humana es el principio transformador activo, la sonrisa es el signo de un trabajo cumplido. En suma, estos dos aspectos revelan un proceso de espiritualización de la realidad, i.e., la perfecta interpenetración de la belleza con la virtud y la verdad. Este trabajo explorará las similitudes entre los dos autores también en relación con el retrato Ginevra de’ Benci (1475-1478 ca.), de Leonardo da Vinci; una muy especial “sermón pintado” con el fondo del cuadro, siendo un tratamiento filosófico conciso en el que se lee “virtutem forma decorat”, fórmula que Ficino evoca en su Convivium.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 (4 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH) ◽  
pp. 63-86
Author(s):  
Beata Gawrońska-Oramus

The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 61 (2013), issue 4. Analysis of the mutual relations between the main intellectual and spiritual authority of the Plato Academy—Marsilio Ficino on the one hand, and Girolamo Savonarola, whose activity was a reaction to the secularization of de Medici times on the other, and a thorough study of their argument that turned into a ruthless struggle, are possible on the basis of selected sources and studies of the subject. The most significant are the following: Savonarola, Prediche e scritti; Guida Spirituale—Vita Christiana; Apologetico: indole e natura dell'arte poetica; De contempt mundi as well as Ficino’s letters and Apologia contra Savonarolam; and also Giovanni Pica della Mirandoli’s De hominis dignitate. The two adversaries’ mutual relations were both surprisingly similar and contradictory. They both came from families of court doctors, which gave them access to broad knowledge of man’s nature that was available to doctors at those times and let them grow up in the circles of sophisticated Renaissance elites. Ficino lived in de Medicis' residences in Florence, and Savonarola in the palace belonging to d’Este family in Ferrara. Ficino eagerly used the benefits of such a situation, whereas Savonarola became an implacable enemy of the oligarchy that limited the citizens’ freedom they had at that time, and a determined supporter of the republic, to whose revival in Florence he contributed a lot. This situated them in opposing political camps. They were similarly educated and had broad intellectual horizons. They left impressive works of literature concerned with the domain of spirituality, philosophy, religion, literature and arts, and their texts contain fewer contradictions than it could be supposed. Being priests, they aimed at defending the Christian religion. Ficino wanted to reconcile the religious doctrine with the world of ancient philosophy and in order to do this he did a formidable work to make a translation of Plato’s works. He wanted to fish souls in the intellectual net of Plato’s philosophy and to convert them. And it is here that they differed from each other. Savonarola’s attitude towards the antiquity was hostile; he struggled for the purity of the Christian doctrine and for the simplicity of its followers’ lives. He called upon people to repent and convert. He first of all noticed an urgent need to deeply reform the Church, which led him to an immediate conflict with Pope Alexander VI Borgia. In accordance with the spirit of the era, he was interested in astrology and prepared accurate horoscopes. Savonarola rejected astrology, and he believed that God, like in the past, sends prophets to the believers. His sermons, which had an immense impact on the listeners, were based on prophetic visions, especially ones concerning the future of Florence, Italy and the Church. His moral authority and his predictions that came true, were one of the reasons why his influence increased so much that after the fall of the House of Medici he could be considered an informal head of the Republic of Florence. It was then that he carried out the strict reforms, whose part were the famous “Bonfires of the Vanities.” Ficino only seemingly passively observed the preacher’s work. Nevertheless, over the years a conflict arose between the two great personalities. It had the character of political struggle. It was accompanied by a rivalry for intellectual and spiritual influence, as well as by a deepening mutual hostility. Ficino expressed it in Apologia contra Savonarolam written soon after Savonarola’s tragic death; the monk was executed according to Alexander VI Borgia’s judgment. The sensible neo-Platonist did not hesitate to thank the Pope for liberating Florence from Savonarola’s influence and he called his opponent a demon and the antichrist deceiving the believers. How deep must the conflict have been since it led Ficino to formulating his thoughts in this way, and how must it have divided Florence's community? The dispute between the leading moralizers of those times must have caused anxiety in their contemporaries. Both the antagonists died within a year, one after the other, and their ideas had impact even long after their deaths, finding their reflection in the next century’s thought and arts. 


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