scholarly journals Increasing Physical Activity in Under-Resourced Communities Through School-Based, Joint-Use Agreements, Los Angeles County, 2010–2012

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariah Lafleur ◽  
Eloisa Gonzalez ◽  
Liz Schwarte ◽  
Rajni Banthia ◽  
Tony Kuo ◽  
...  
2019 ◽  
Vol 79 (5) ◽  
pp. 543-555
Author(s):  
Hui Xie ◽  
Linda L Caldwell ◽  
Steven Loy

Background: Latino grandparents are often involved in the care and rearing of grandchildren and may help parents in promoting children’s leisure time physical activity (LTPA). However, potential disagreements between grandparents and parents may undermine their collaboration and subsequently their support for children’s LTPA. Aim: The purpose of this study was to explore Latino grandparents’ perception of disagreements with parents in children’s (age 2–12) LTPA. Methods: Qualitative data were collected from 53 Latino grandparents in Los Angeles County, USA, using four semi-structured focus groups and 26 semi-structured interviews. Transcribed data were systematically and iteratively coded and analysed. Results: Many Latino grandparents disagreed with parents’ sedentary lifestyle, permissive parenting and lack of support for children’s LTPA. In addition, Latino grandparents described disagreement with parents in specific issues such as children’s LTPA options and safety during LTPA. Conclusion: There were disagreements between Latino grandparents and parents concerning children’s LTPA. Health researchers and practitioners should be aware of those disagreements and consider using education/intervention programmes to reduce the tension between Latino grandparents and parents and increase their collaborative support for children’s LTPA.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Ma’at Hembrick ◽  
Makala Conner ◽  
Heather Tarleton

Cancer survivors have an increased risk of treatment-related deficits in physical health and low health-related quality of life. In this cross-sectional study, a health questionnaire was mailed to women from the Los Angeles County Cancer Surveillance Program aged 45-70 and diagnosed with cervical, endometrial, or ovarian cancer in 2005-2014. Of the 5,941 surveys with valid postal addresses, 586 (10%) were completed and returned. The average age of respondents was 66 years old, and 36% identified as non-white. Non-white respondents were less likely to have a college degree (p<0.001), more likely to sleep for less than seven hours each night (p<0.001), experience bodily pain (p<0.001), and have a diagnosis of cervical cancer (p=0.002), when compared to white respondents. Health behaviors and determinants were examined across cervical, endometrial, and ovarian cancer cases. Cervical cancer survivors reported sleeping less than 7 hours per night, on average (p=0.015). Race was associated with sleep duration among endometrial (p=0.002) and ovarian (p=0.003) cancer survivors. Menopausal status was associated with the relationship between race and sleep duration (p<0.001). Depression was inversely related to sleep duration (p = 0.022) but was not associated with race, menopausal status, time since treatment, physical activity, or cancer type. Postmenopausal cervical cancer survivors reported a moderate concern about fall risk compared to their premenopausal counterparts (p=0.048). Physical activity levels increased as time since treatment increased (p=0.003) regardless of cancer type. Race, menopausal status, depression, and cancer type impacted the sleep duration. KEYWORDS: Health Disparities; Sleep Duration; Depression; Gynecologic Cancers; Survivorship Care


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 416-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amelia R. DeFosset ◽  
Lauren N. Gase ◽  
Eloisa Gonzalez ◽  
Tony Kuo

2014 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 56-63
Author(s):  
Josh Sides

In 1916, Cornelius Birket Johnson, a Los Angeles fruit farmer, killed the last known grizzly bear in Southern California and the second-to last confirmed grizzly bear in the entire state of California. Johnson was neither a sportsman nor a glory hound; he simply hunted down the animal that had been trampling through his orchard for three nights in a row, feasting on his grape harvest and leaving big enough tracks to make him worry for the safety of his wife and two young daughters. That Johnson’s quarry was a grizzly bear made his pastoral life in Big Tujunga Canyon suddenly very complicated. It also precipitated a quagmire involving a violent Scottish taxidermist, a noted California zoologist, Los Angeles museum administrators, and the pioneering mammalogist and Smithsonian curator Clinton Hart Merriam. As Frank S. Daggett, the founding director of the Los Angeles County Museum of History, Science and Art, wrote in the midst of the controversy: “I do not recollect ever meeting a case where scientists, crooks, and laymen were so inextricably mingled.” The extermination of a species, it turned out, could bring out the worst in people.


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


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