The Moral Economy of the English Middling Sort in the Eighteenth Century: the Case of Norwich in 1766 and 1767

Author(s):  
Simon Renton
Rural History ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alun Howkins ◽  
Linda Merricks

This essay began from a continuity, or perhaps a persistence. Working as historians and cultural critics in very different periods, early modern England and the nineteenth-century countryside, we have both been struck for some years by continuities of behaviour in situations of riot or disorder. At one level this was first pointed to in the work of E.P. Thompson and George Rude in relation to eighteenth-century riot. Both these writers argued that far from riot being a spontaneous, anarchic and random event it was nearly always structured and organised. Thompson in particular introduced, through the notion of ‘moral economy’, the idea that rioters shared ideas about ‘right’ which Were related to an earlier customary social and economic order. From a very different, but equally important perspective, we have both been profoundly influenced by the flowering of cultural studies associated with the work of Mikhail Bahktin, and cultural anthropology growing from the work of Victor Turner and Pierre Bourdieu. In these Writers we found arguments about boundaries and structures which were both erected and transgressed by rituals of various kinds. Finally, a very few historians working on riot and popular disorder have been struck by the same continuity, notably, Michael Beames in his study of Whiteboyism, and very recently, Andrew Charlesworth in the Pages of this journal. This brief essay will seek to illuminate our notion of continuity, using some of these ideas. It is offered not as a definitive piece, but rather as an interpretation of some of these materials.


Author(s):  
Nancy Christie

From the perspective of governing elites on both sides of the Atlantic, the expanding world of goods was seen as a civilizing and assimilative process, but using an analysis of litigation this chapter shows that while enticing French Canadians into the marketplace did integrate them into global networks of trade and credit, they nevertheless sought to don British dress and purchase British manufactured goods to articulate and enhance their own identities. Not only does this chapter shift the historical gaze from production to consumption, but it greatly expands the term merchants beyond those large overseas merchants who have been well studied, to incorporate the vital world of licit and illicit trade by shopkeepers, artisans, women, and peasants, to draw attention to the importance to the internal circulation of goods. My exploration of the regulatory apparatus of government as well as the everyday understanding of goods, credit, and debt shows, however, that the eighteenth century was not a pivot to modernity; rather, conceptions of the marketplace remained tied to an older moral economy outlook.


1993 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan E. Brown

It has been twenty years since E. P. Thompson introduced the term “moral economy” into the historian's vocabulary. Since then it has exerted a paradigmatic force in explanations of the motivations for, and responses to, various forms of popular action. Pitted against this has been the notion of political economy, most often presented as a subsequent (and eventually triumphant) ideological development that was necessarily antithetical to a moral economy. Together these two models have served as fundamental reference points around which accounts of popular protest and public policy have been constructed. Recent explorations into past assumptions regarding the proper functioning of the marketplace have served to open this conventional schematization to debate. Thompson himself has once again entered the fray with a further refinement and restatement of his original arguments and a spirited riposte to his critics. The purpose of the following essay is to focus and further develop this debate in light of the author's ongoing research into the City of London in the late eighteenth century.In seeking to loosen the constructs through which past economic relations and ideologies have been characterized, this essay will concentrate on two main areas of enquiry. The first follows the work of other historians in attempting to probe more deeply into the diverse and often conflicting understandings of the marketplace articulated in this period, thus revealing alternate possibilities in the interstices of moral economy and political economy. The second as yet remains relatively unexplored and concerns a series of assumptions as to who might be expected to advocate these various conceptions of market relations and why.


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