scholarly journals Indíbil, Mandonio, Lérida, ilerdita, ilergetes y Segre en la literatura griega (I)

Myrtia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 105-131
Author(s):  
Juan Antonio López Férez

Este trabajo, partiendo de los datos suministrados por el TLG, quiere ofrecer todas las apariciones en la literatura griega de los términos Indíbil, Mandonio, Lérida, ilerdita, ilergetes y Segre, acompañadas de la traducción al español y las explicaciones filológicas pertinentes, con el propósito de serles de alguna utilidad a filólogos, geógrafos, historiadores, arqueólogos y otros estudiosos de la Antigüedad clásica, así como al lector general interesado por alguno de esos vocablos. This paper, by using the data provided by the TLG, offers all the appearances in Greek literature of the terms Indibilis, Mandonius, Ilerda, ilerdita, ilergetes and Segre, accompanied by the translation into Spanish and the pertinent philological explanations, with the purpose of being of some use to philologists, geographers, historians, archaeologists, and other scholars of classical antiquity, as well as to the general reader interested in any of these words.

Author(s):  
Marilyn B. Skinner

The basic dominance-submission model of sexual relations, involving a hierarchical distinction between the active and passive roles, was the same in Greek and Roman cultures and remained unchanged throughout classical antiquity. However, we find subtle modifications reflected in the literary tradition from the Homeric age to imperial Rome. In Homer and Hesiod, heterosexual relations are the only recognized form of sexual congress, and consensual sex is mutually pleasurable. Forced sex, in the form of abduction and rape, also occurs in epic narrative. Pederasty became a literary theme in Greek lyric poetry of the archaic age. In classical Athens, discourses of sexuality were tied to political ideology, because self-control was a civic virtue enabling the free adult male householder to manage his estate correctly and serve the city-state in war and peace. Tragedy illustrates the dire impact of unbridled erōs, while comedy mocks those who trespass against moderation or violate gender norms, and forensic oratory seeks to disqualify such offenders from participating in government. Philosophical schools disagreed over the proper place of erōs in a virtuous life. While pederastic relations dominated discussions of love in philosophic works, romantic affairs between men and women received greater attention in Hellenistic poetry, in keeping with an increased emphasis on shared pleasure and reciprocal emotional satisfaction. During the late Republic and the Augustan age, Roman authors incorporated erotic motifs from archaic lyric and Hellenistic epigram into their own first-person love poems. The genre of love elegy, in which the poet-lover professes himself enslaved to a harsh mistress, became widely popular during Augustus’ reign but disappeared shortly thereafter. Meanwhile, Lucretius’ didactic epic On the Nature of Things, and Vergil’s Aeneid, a heroic account of the founding of Rome, both treat erotic obsession as destructive. In the Imperial period, elite anxieties were displaced onto concerns about gender deviance on the part of males and females alike: the figures of the cinaedus and the tribas were castigated in moralizing poetry, especially satire and satiric epigram. Roman novels focused upon the sexual escapades of marginal displaced types. Under Roman rule, on the other hand, Greek literature saw a new flowering in the Second Sophistic movement. While pederasty remained a favorite subject, hotly championed against heterosexual relations in prose treatises, the Greek novel explored a new model of heterosexuality in which premarital chastity and mutual fidelity appear to anticipate later Christian values.


1962 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Browning

The Byzantinist has one advantage over the student of classical antiquity—unless the latter happens to be a papyrologist. With a little diligence and a minimum of good luck he can easily unearth unpublished texts and find himself producing an editio princeps. And however often one has turned over the leaves of a manuscript and laboriously read words which have remained unread for perhaps five centuries or more, it never loses its thrill. Yet one must admit that the advantage is less than it seems. The classical scholar's texts are usually worth reading from some point of view, while what the Byzantinist finds is so often empty rhetorical verbiage. Byzantine funeral orations are notorious for their lack of information on the life of the deceased. Yet they never tell us absolutely nothing if we read them alertly, and they are sometimes remarkably informative on the ideas and values of the times. When the subject is a major figure of medieval Greek literature about the details of whose life we are very much in the dark, even the most trifling addition to our knowledge is welcome. It is this thought which encourages me to present a hitherto unknown Byzantine writer of the middle of the twelfth century—George Tornikes, Metropolitan of Ephesus—and to dwell in particular on his funeral oration on Anna Comnena.


Author(s):  
Anneli Luhtala

In Classical Antiquity, the study of language and literature was a crucial part of education. Girls generally only took part of primary education, and women who progressed further did so by private tuition. Women were expected to be married and produce children and to practice their virtue in the traditional role of the wife and mother. Many women were well read in both Latin and Greek literature, and some twenty female poets are known from antiquity. However, women lacked training in formal rhetorical skills, because they were expected to speak and write in a different style. Nor were women supposed to enter into the places where public lectures took place. All the same, we know of women who received higher education and even taught philosophy (probably in private houses) or occupied themselves with philology. The women philosophers were normally born into philosophic households or married to philosophers. When grammar—a discipline dealing with language and literature—gradually became an independent subject in the first century BCE, it was taught in secondary schools. From the first century CE on we can get glimpses of female teachers of letters, but their achievements were not recorded. Thus, we have neither grammatical nor philosophical doctrine attributed to a female scholar, and this article deals with the general conditions of women scholars rather than their individual contributions to scholarship. Many prejudices prevailed concerning the inferiority of women. Aristotle thought that women were weaker than men not only physically but also intellectually. This remained common consensus, even if the Stoics and Platonists argued that women’s souls are not as such inferior to the souls of men. The Christians reinforced these prejudices, although they thought that men and women share a common human nature. Yet the Apostle Paul had said ‘I do not permit a woman to teach’ (I Tim. 2:12). However, Christian women could refuse marriage and follow an ascetic life, which brought about new opportunities for them as prophets, deaconesses, patrons, and occasionally even as teachers.


1928 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Mavrogordato

In the history of Greek literature, as regarded by the general reader, there are two remarkable intermissions. The first occurs when ancient Greek literature comes to an end with Lucian in the second century after Christ; or perhaps when the hexameter itself begins to dissolve in the hands of Nonnus in the fourth. The second break naturally follows when Byzantine literature is cut short by the fall of Constantinople in 1453—after which it is commonly and wrongly supposed that hardly a Greek put pen to paper, save in the way of commerce or grammar, until the revolutionary songs of Eegas heralded the revival at the beginning of the nineteenth century. It is, however, one of the fascinations of Greek studies that they introduce us to a language that can be traced in an unbroken descent from Homer to the present day: and wherever the Greek language has been spoken the art of literature has never quite perished, though its traces are sometimes rather faint and its beauties rare. But for the complete study of a language second-rate authors must not be neglected where masterpieces are few and far between. Unfortunately it is only in the last fifty years that scholars have turned their attention to publication of the obscure works that carry on the literary tradition from Byzantium to modern Greece. Of these authors ‘of the Turkish period’ the learned Sophocles, in the introduction to his Lexicon, remarks (1860) : ‘It is unnecessary to inform the reader here that, with very few exceptions, they are beneath criticism.’


Author(s):  
Daniela Dueck ◽  
Kai Brodersen
Keyword(s):  

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Masalha

The Concept of Palestine is deeply rooted in the collective consciousness of the indigenous people of Palestine and the multicultural ancient past. The name Palestine is the most commonly used from the Late Bronze Age (from 1300 BCE) onwards. The name Palestine is evident in countless histories, inscriptions, maps and coins from antiquity, medieval and modern Palestine. From the Late Bronze Age onwards the names used for the region, such as Djahi, Retenu and Cana'an, all gave way to the name Palestine. Throughout Classical Antiquity the name Palestine remained the most common and during the Roman, Byzantine and Islamic periods the concept and political geography of Palestine acquired official administrative status. This article sets out to explain the historical origins of the concept of Palestine and the evolving political geography of the country. It will seek to demonstrate how the name ‘Palestine’ (rather than the term ‘Cana'an’) was most commonly and formally used in ancient history. It argues that the legend of the ‘Israelites’ conquest of Cana'an’ and other master narratives of the Bible evolved across many centuries; they are myth-narratives, not evidence-based accurate history. It further argues that academic and school history curricula should be based on historical facts/empirical evidence/archaeological discoveries – not on master narratives or Old Testament sacred-history and religio-ideological constructs.


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