scholarly journals Islam og demokrati

Author(s):  
Peter Steensgaard Paludan

This study - "Islam and Democracy. A Critique of a Central Aspect of Samuel Huntington's Theory about The Clash of Civilizations" - is testing Huntington's argument that a decisive cause of the supposed clash of Western and Muslim culture in the period after the Cold War is the attempt to the West to export democracy and human rights to non-Western countries. Huntington sees the construction of socalled "Asian values" as a genuine expression of authentic "Asian" culture and the negative views in conservative of Islamist circles in the Muslim world of (some of) the international human rights as products of Western culture and therefore not valid in the Muslim world likewise as expressions of Muslim majority culture. The article points out that hte "Asian values" are a political construction that aims at rejecting critique from outside and inside of the violations by certain Muslim human righs schemes, the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights and the Cairo Declaration, have to be understood as expressions of a conservative or Islamist interpretation of Islam. The quest for an international recognition of them as a genuine Islamic alternataive to the international human rights has the same purpose as the "Asian values". Next, the article examines the results of the World Value Survey in the Islamic workd. A major part of the Muslim populations has been surveyed. The results demonstrate that the average support of democracy - the democratic idea as well as the capability of democratic governance to solve democracy - is as high as it is in the West. The majority of the Muslim populations clearly want democracy in the own states. The main factor behind this openness towards democratic ideas seems to be raising levels of standards of living. Finally, the article points to the fact that the Islamist circles today seem to be somewhat weakened. But they are still the most well-organized political opposition group and therefore able to create problems in Middle East societies where liberalizations are initiated. Some Islamists, however, e.g. in Egypt and in particular in Turkey, have adapted democratic ideas. On this background the author rejects Huntington's idea of a clash between the Islamic and Western world due to basic disagreement on human rights and democracy. Most modern Muslims apparently live with a Muslim piety combined with wishes for democracy in their own countries.

Author(s):  
Bożena Drzewicka

Conceptions And Interpretations of Human Rights in Europe and Asia: Normative AspectsThe issue of confronting values between civilizations has become very important. It influences not only the level of international politics but also the international normative activity. It is very interesting for the modern international law and its doctrine. The most important factor of causing huge changes in the system of international law is still the international human rights protection and the international humanitarian law which is related to it. It is very difficult to create one catalogue of executive instruments and procedures but it is possible to influence the attitude toward the basic paradigms. The frictions appear from time to time and move to other planes. The West and Asia are still antagonists in the dialogue on the future of the world. The article is a contribution to the intercivilizational dialogue.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Leuenberger

Abstract This article was presented at the workshop on “Borders and Human Rights,” College of Law & Business, Ramat Gan, Israel.Notions of human rights as enshrined in international law have become the “idea of our time”; a “dominant moral narrative by which world politics” is organized; and a powerful “discourse of public persuasion.”Tony Evans, International Human Rights Law as Power/Knowledge, 27 (3) HUM. RTS. Q. 1046 (2005); Meg McLagan, Human Rights, Testimony, and Transnational Publicity, 2 (1) SCHOLAR & FEMINIST ONLINE 1 (2003), available at http://www.barnard.edu/ps/printmmc.htm; Wendy S. Hesford, Human Rights Rhetoric of Recognition, 41 (3) RHETORIC SOC. Q. 282 (2011). With the rise of human rights discourse, we need to ask, how do protagonists make human rights claims? What sort of resources, techniques, and strategies do they use in order to publicize information about human rights abuses and stipulations set out in international law? With the democratization of mapping practices, various individuals, organizations, and governments are increasingly using maps in order to put forth certain social and political claims. This article draws on the sociology of knowledge, science studies, critical cartography, cultural studies, and anthropological studies of law in order to analyze how various international, Palestinian, and Israeli organizations design maps of the West Bank Barrier in accord with assumptions embedded within international law as part of their political and new media activism. Qualitative sociological methods, such as in-depth interviewing, ethnography, and the collection of cartographic material pertaining to the West Bank Barrier, provide the empirical tools to do so. The maps examined here exemplify how universalistic notions of international law and human rights become a powerful rhetorical tool to make various and often incommensurable social and political claims across different maps. At the same time, international human rights law, rather than dictating local mapping practices, becomes inevitably “vernacularized” and combined with local understandings, cultural preferences, and political concerns.


Subject Prosecutions for questioning Kazakhstan's statehood. Significance Two civil society activists in Kazakhstan, Yermek Narymbayev and Serikjan Mambetalin, were jailed on January 22 after being found guilty of 'inciting ethnic discord' for comments they posted on Facebook. The verdict, condemned by domestic and international human rights groups, came shortly before the authorities announced that elections to the lower house of parliament originally scheduled for January 2017 had been brought forward to March 20. Impacts Nazarbayev's Nur Otan party will win a majority in the March polls and other parties that gain seats will have tacit government approval. Crackdowns on freedom of expression will tarnish efforts to maintain good relations with the West. The government will continue to fund costly lobbying campaigns to improve its international image.


2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 102-104
Author(s):  
Farrukh B. Hakeem

Mashood Baderin’s International Human Rights and Islamic Law is a monumentalcontribution to an area that needs more scholarly contributionsfrom intellectuals and scholars of Islamic law. Currently, there is a paucityof perspectives on this issue from the standpoint of the Shari`ah. Besidesenlightening readers to the Shari`ah’s sources, nuances, intricacies, anddynamism, Baderin demolishes the myth of a clash of perspectives betweenthe West and the Shari`ah. The reader comes away more knowledgeableabout the mechanics of Islamic law and is able to glean that Islamic law isfar more progressive, humane, and dynamic than the perception constructedby the neo-Orientalists.This book will be very illuminating for students, administrators, andjudicial personnel not only from the western world, but also for those in theIslamic world. Besides being knowledgeable in Islamic law, scripture, andHadith, Baderin shows a remarkable grasp and understanding of internationalhuman rights law. Each chapter is very comprehensive and informativefrom the secular and religious perspectives. After delineating the discourse,he describes and then defuses the apparent incompatibility between ...


2005 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wade M. Cole

This article examines whether the content of the International Human Rights Covenants and the costs associated with their ratification influence the decision of countries to join. The author evaluates three theoretical perspectives-rationalism, world polity institutionalism, and the clash of civilizations-with data for more than 130 countries between 1966 and 1999. Rationalists contend that treaty ratification is tightly coupled with internal sovereignty arrangements, human rights practices, and ideological commitments, all of which become more important as treaty enforcement strengthens. World polity institutionalists expect ratification to be loosely coupled with a country's conduct or its political, ideological, or cultural commitments, although this gap narrows as compliance is more effectively enforced. A civilizations approach predicts tight coupling between ratification and cultural values, regardless of the mechanisms in place for enforcing compliance. Results lend partial support to rationalism and world polity theory, whereas the clash of civilizations thesis is much less successful in accounting for patterns of ratification. Furthermore, the costs of ratifying a treaty, considered in terms of its surveillance and enforcement provisions, influence rates of accession more than the specific rights a treaty protects.


2019 ◽  
pp. 137-146
Author(s):  
Başak Çalı

This chapter addresses the political limits of international human rights, but disagrees with the realist international relations and the Western hegemony approaches as to how we may locate and problematize such limits. A key objection that the chapter makes to realists and the Western hegemony approach is their static conception of human rights. Contrary to the view that human rights is a gift of Western powers to the rest, the chapter proposes to conceive contemporary human rights as a multiple authored transnational practice that challenges power not only in the rest but also in the West. Yet, human rights, conceived in this dynamic and transformative way, are not free from political limits. Limits to contemporary human rights can best be located in two places: the majoritarian objection to human rights domestically and the global resistance to regulate corporate powers for human rights abuses.


2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Obiora Chinedu Okafor ◽  
Shedrack C. Agbakwa

This article seeks to show that both the conceptualization and practice of international human rights education within the mainstream human rights community has been shaped and framed, with mostly negative consequences, by at least three constitutive orthodoxies: a heaven-hell binary distinction between an all but “perfect” West and an all but “hellish” Third World; a consequent unidirectional traffic of human rights teaching from the West to the rest; and a reliance on the abolitionist paradigm of human rights education. It starts by mapping these orthodoxies, and proceeds thereafter to challenge them as fundamentally problematic and as capable of frustrating the project of progressive human rights education. The article ends by offering an insight into the ways in which international human rights education might be re-imagined if it is to have a better chance of achieving its ordinarily laudable mission.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Bennett G. Sherry

Abstract In the 1980s, over a million Iranian asylum seekers transited through Turkey on their way west, most moving through irregular migration channels. While much has been made of Turkey’s evolving role in more recent refugee crises, this literature neglects the importance of the 1980s Iranian refugee migrations in shaping the global refugee system. By connecting the story of the international human rights movement to the Ankara office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), this paper emphasizes the role of non-state actors. Based on research in the archives of the UNHCR, this paper argues that the UNHCR and Amnesty International used human rights as a tool to pressure Turkey to open its doors to Iranian refugees in the early 1980s, and that this tactic backfired when the West closed its own doors on refugees later in the decade. The result was the increased forcible return of refugees by Turkish authorities to Iran and newly restrictive asylum policies, which would shape refugee migrations through Turkey for decades. For millions of refugees, Turkey has served as transit hub on their journey west; in the 1980s, human rights hypocrisy made it a cul-de-sac.


Author(s):  
Yusuf Dalhat

This paper discusses the Freedom of Expression and Morality in the West with special reference to Charlie Hebdo attack and its implications. It highlights some of the reactions to the attack, with many western Scholars calling on Muslims to apologize. The paper has rather drawn their attention to the root cause of the attack which seems to have been ignored by them, being the attitude of the western society to Islam. Solution has been suggested for the attention of the Western Powers and other International Human Rights Organizations to set out Standards of respect for people’s faith for which one may be indicted for violating the moral laws.


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