scholarly journals Ordre du droit et droit de l'ordre

2005 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 699-729
Author(s):  
Jacques Zylberberg

This essay undertakes a review of national and international law to demonstrate that law is mainly an ideological and variable instrument of the State and of the United Nations, which is a by-product of the states. In this perspective, the author opposes the pragmatical ideology of resistance against the sovereign state to the juridical legitimation and the behaviour of the States who reluctantly have conceded some civil and political rights. Those rights are endangered by the growing bureaucratization of the state, the inflation of the juridical norms and rules, in addition to the permanent repressive characters of the State. The criticism of the contradiction and the variation of the rule of law when it relates to "human rights" is also extended to international law as well as to the international organizations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-132
Author(s):  
Shane Darcy

AbstractInternational law has not traditionally recognised individuals as victims of the crime of aggression. Recent developments may precipitate a departure from this approach. The activation of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over the crime of aggression opens the way for the future application of the Court's regime of victim participation and reparation in the context of prosecutions for this crime. The determination by the United Nations Human Rights Committee in General Comment No. 36 that any deprivation of life resulting from an act of aggression violates Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights serves to recognise a previously overlooked class of victims. This article explores these recent developments, by discussing their background, meaning and implications for international law and the rights of victims.


1989 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-25 ◽  

As everybody is well aware, human rights is an extremely broad topic, so what I would like to do is make a few basic points with some illustrations and then sum up with some ideas and discussion. Much of the grand scheme for reforming the Soviet system has touched on issues that fall under the rubric of human rights, broadly construed. Human rights discussions are no longer constrained by the traditional Soviet emphasis on social and economic rights and now encompass a variety of civil and political rights. As I see it, the fundamental issue with respect to human rights is the propping up of the rule of law. The concept of the rule of law has been elevated to previously unknown heights and is extolled as a fundamental underpinning of the entire process of democratization. It lends itself to the reduction of arbitrary actions (or at least it should), it encourages glasnost', and it enhances support for perestroika because it is intrinsic to any process of democratization. This reliance on the rule of law is absolutely essential as a component of any process that is linked to de-Stalinization. The abuses of the Stalin years are routinely excoriated, and the message being conveyed is that constitutionally guaranteed rights of citizens will be upheld, constitutional reform will proceed, and legislation will be enacted to protect a host of rights not addressed by the Constitution.


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 754-778 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodor Meron

One of the characteristic phenomena of contemporary international life is the proliferation of human rights instruments and systems of supervision. In addition to the Charter of the United Nations and comprehensive global conventions such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (Economic Covenant) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Political Covenant), instruments have been adopted within the United Nations or the specialized agencies to govern particular aspects of human rights (e.g., racial discrimination, rights of women) and within regional organizations (e.g., the Council of Europe, the Organization of American States) to govern both general and particular aspects of human rights. In the United Nations, the general practice has been for each normative instrument to create its own system of supervision whenever such systems have been established. Typically, each organ of supervision applies only the norms adopted in the specific “founding” instrument, rather than the entire corpus juris of international human rights or even all of the instruments comprising the International Bill of Human Rights, i.e., the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Universal Declaration), the Economic Covenant, the Political Covenant, and the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This proliferation of normative instruments and systems of supervision, which is similar to the proliferation that has given rise to difficult questions of coordination within and between international organizations in the fields of budget, programming, and administration, has led to overlapping jurisdiction and even to conflicts between the legislative and supervisory competence, or claims of competence, of various international bodies. The object of this article is not to compile or map out all the possible conflict areas or to undertake a detailed analysis of the conflicts, whether real or imaginary. Its more modest purpose is to present a broad panorama of the problems, directions, and policy. These matters merit attention, even though political and institutional reasons may make major reforms impossible for the time being. The questions to be discussed are relevant to three major fields of international law: treaties, human rights, and international organizations. While substantive problems of “legislation” or norm making are closely related to problems of supervision or implementation, normative problems will be focused upon first, and problems of supervision second.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Bogdana Sybikowska

Abstract This article is a review of a paper titled International political authority: on the meaning and scope of a justified hierarchy in international relations written by Daniel Voelsen and Leon Schettler. The growing power and authority of international organizations has been perceived by many as a sign of a new global order where the concept of sovereignty of the state is replaced with the constitutional principles of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Recently, a tendency has been observed to consider international organizations as autonomous, legitimate institutions possessing political authority. However, it is rather challenging to find one and the complex understanding of political authority that encompasses all components that construct it. Voelsen and Schettler offer a detailed analysis of the concepts of international authority that are present in the literature and even criticize them. In this article, the conducted research is reviewed and scrutinized in detail.


Author(s):  
Henri Decoeur

This section presents the concept of state organized crime, defined as the use, by a public official in a position to shape or influence the actions of a state and acting in concert with a structured group, of the resources of the state to commit or facilitate the commission of acts criminalized in international law, in order to obtain a financial or other material benefit. It highlights the challenges that this phenomenon poses internationally and domestically, notably for international peace and security, human rights, and the rule of law. It also discusses the terminology and methodology used in the book, and outlines the argument to be made.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 17-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ira Kurzban ◽  
Beatrice Lindstrom ◽  
Shannon Jonsson

A lawsuit pending in U.S. courts against the United Nations for its responsibility for Haiti’s cholera out-break is the largest challenge yet to the impunity of the organization, which has thus far refused to comply with its legal obligations to provide a settlement mechanism to the victims. With no such avenue of redress available to them, those affected by the epidemic have been left in the bizarre situation where in order to obtain justice they must file lawsuits against the United Nations, whose mandate is to defend the rule of law and promote human rights. If successful, the suit would improve accountability for the organization and underscore the need for it to comply with international law.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 115 ◽  
pp. 283-288
Author(s):  
Miia Halme-Tuomisaari

How might the connections between anthropology and international law become more dynamic? I reflect upon this question in this essay using ethnographic insights from the documentary cycles of the UN Human Rights Committee, the treaty body monitoring state compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Building on recent anthropological scholarship on international organizations, bureaucracy, and documents, this essay discusses the knowledge practices and legal technicalities that characterize the international community of human rights lawyers. In particular, I reflect on the legal fiction of difference governing UN treaty bodies’ operations and the empirical sameness of participants in different formal categories in the shared community of practice of human rights lawyers. I conclude by suggesting that anthropological insights could significantly enrich our shared understanding of the diverse and subtle effects of human rights monitoring. Simultaneously such insights may offer rejuvenated inspiration for those international lawyers tackling a sense of losing faith in their discipline, both as an influential tool of world improvement and an invigorating intellectual tradition.


Author(s):  
Bielefeldt Heiner, Prof ◽  
Ghanea Nazila, Dr ◽  
Wiener Michael, Dr

This chapter explains the international law provision which allows the State to derogate from certain human rights. The possibility for States to derogate from certain rights ‘in time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation’ may be considered as an unfavourable risk by human rights defenders. The Human Rights Committee, however, recognizes the derogation provision of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (article 4) as being of paramount importance for the system of protection for human rights under the Covenant. It should be noted that not every disturbance or catastrophe qualifies as ‘a public emergency’ for the purposes of article 4(1) and such measures should be of an exceptional and temporary nature, only imposed to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, subject to a regime of international notification, and should not involve discrimination.


Author(s):  
Ian Hurd

This chapter looks at the domestic rule of law and its uneasy translation to international politics. The central claim is this: the domestic rule of law is in effect when there exists a set of stable public laws binding in theory and practice on both citizens and the state. There are two main lines of debate in existing literature on the domestic rule of law. The first asks whether individual human rights and collective social welfare are effects of the rule of law or constitutive of it. The second debate involves how the rule of law can be distinguished from rule by law, in which the state uses the framework of law instrumentally to legitimate and reinforce its domination. Three claims about the rule of law are constant across these debates: that rules should be public and stable, that rules should apply to the government as well as the citizens, and that the rules should be applied equally across cases. None of these translates easily to the realm of international law. Thus, domestic rule of law provides an unsuitable model for an international equivalent.


Author(s):  
عبدالله ذنون عبدالله الصواف

The right to obtain information is closely related to the extension of democratic culture and the expansion of its influence within the societies by establishing the rule of law and the ability to govern honestly and vividly through the spread of information and making the citizen aware about it. Here, the trilogy of transparency, accountability and questioning is evident to make political action governed by controls that reduce opportunities for corruption and prevent the exploitation of power by not excluding any oversight bodies over all legislative, executive and judicial powers. The right to obtain information according to the traditional division of jurists of international law was considered among the civil and political rights, even if this division suffers from a kind of inaccuracy, as the right to information interferes with all rights, whether civil, political or economic, and other divisions that may arise because it is the basic principle for the exercise of any human right. The respect of this right is a measure of the state in its respect of the citizen and the extent of its democracy, or, as it is said, the oxygen of a democratic government. Proceeding from this, when any official party tries to prove its righteousness and respect for the citizen, the repetition of phrases interspersed with the word transparency, meaning that it has nothing to be afraid being declared. This suggests that the right of the citizen to obtain information is either a grant from the state, although there are legal bases that confirm that this right is in contrast to the state and it is permissible to compel any party to provide the information it hides while observing certain restrictions that may be related to national security or public order. Accordingly.


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