scholarly journals Itàlia i la configuració de la llegenda negra borgiana.

Author(s):  
Joan Emili Roig Matoses

Resum: La llegenda negra dels Borja va començar a Itàlia i la van començar els italians en el segle XV. Començada a forjar per cronistes, informadors, cardenals… i contràriament al que es podria pensar, aquesta no va començar després de la mort del segon papa Borja Alexandre VI, sinó durant el seu cardenalat, el seu pontificat i com no, després de la seua mort i continuant els segles posteriors amb acusacions falses com la simonia, el incest, els assassinats…   Paraules clau: Borja, Roderic de Borja, Alexandre VI, llegenda negra, Bichi, Tiara, papa, conclave, simonia, Ascanio Sforza. Abstract: The black legend of Borja began in Italy and Italians began in the fifteenth century. Created by reporters, cardinals ... and contrary to what you might think, not this black legend began after the death of the second Pope Alexander VI Borja but the cardinal time, and of his pontificate, after his death and continue over the following centuries with false accusations as simony, the incest, murder …   Keywords: Borja, Roderic de Borja, Pope Alexander VI, black legend, Bichi, Tiara, Pope conclave, simony, Ascanio Sforza.

Author(s):  
Marc Gomar Calatayud

Resum: El drama Lucrèce Borgia de Victor Hugo confereix al personatge històric una sèrie d’atributs en sintonia amb el gust sensacionalista de l’època: en ser dona, poderosa, bella i formada. Lucrècia Borja és el millor exemple d’allò que Kristeva anomena «l’abjecte» en les Pouvoirs de l’horreur (1980). Una imatge de femme fatale lligada al verí o l’incest que es popularitzarà gràcies a les nombroses obres derivades del drama: de l’òpera de Donizetti als romanços populars de manera que les característiques del personatge de ficció s’imposaran a l’històric en l’imaginari col·lectiu. Lucrècia Borja, que fins aleshores havia estat considerada un instrument al servei de les polítiques familiars, entrarà a formar part per «mèrits» propis del triangle del mal junt amb l germà, Cèsar Borja, i son pare, el papa Alexandre VI. Paraules clau: Lucrècia Borja, Victor Hugo, Gaetano Donizetti, llegenda negra, literatura de cordell, paròdia, segle XIX, Francesc Godó, abjecte Abstract: The Victor Hugo’s drama Lucrezia Borgia gives to the historical character some attributes in line with the sensationalist preferences of that time: being a female, powerful, beautiful and educated. Lucrezia Borgia is the best example of what Kristeva names «the abject» in Pouvoirs de l’horreur (1980). The character is a femme fatale image linked to poison or incest and it was popularized thanks to the many works resulting from this drama. So that, the features of the fictional character prevailed to the real historical character in the popular beliefs, this happened in Donizetti's opera, but also in the chapbooks of that time. Lucrezia Borgia had previously been considered an instrument in the service for family policies, but she became part of an evil triangle, thanks to her own attitude, along with her brother, Cesare Borgia, and her father, the pope Alexander VI. Keywords: Lucrezia Borgia, Victor Hugo, Gaetano Donizetti, black legend, chapbook, parody, nineteenth century, Francesc Xavier Godó, abject


2008 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Baron

This article is divided into four sections. In the first, Fr. Arkadiusz Baron describes shortly the reception of Chrysostom’s writings in the ancient world in the East and in the West. It is surprising that the “Golden Mouth” and his homilies have triggered so many difficulties from the very beginning until the present. In the past, in the East, a growing conflict with the Severian of Gabbala and other bishops became the main obstacle to the reception of Chrysostom’s preaching. In 403, at the so-called council at the oak, Chrysostom was condemned and exiled. One of many false accusations charged him with being too merciful toward sinners who were recidivists.In the West, Anian of Celedo, Pelagius’ friend, translated Chrysostom’s homilies (especially on Matthew) into Latin. Pelagianism was condemned and Chrysostom was suspected to be semi-Pelagian. The oldest and most integral Latin version of Chrysostom’s homilies on record date back from the twelfth century. In the fifteenth century pope Nicholaus V asked for a new translation.Similarly in Poland, Chrysostom was not too lucky. In Polish, only about 15 per cent of his homilies are available. Among the translators are J. Wujek, A. Załęski and J. Krystyniacki from the eighteenth century, and T. Sinko, W. Kania, A. Baron and J. Iluk from the twentieth century. Some of them are historians and philologists, but not theologians. This is a problem of the existing Polish translations: we need a good theological, biblical and homiletical elaboration of Chrysostom’s homilies.Homilies on Matthew were preached in 390 in Antioch when Chrysostom was already well-known. Chrysostom’s homilies are the first and one of the best ancient commentaries to this Gospel. He is the only man who in the first millennium of Christianity explained the Acts of the Apostles, and he is the only one in Christianity to do this in the form of homilies.The centre of the Jesus’ Gospel according to Chrysostom is the person of Jesus. The prime purpose of Matthew’s Gospel is to reveal the unconditional love of God for each human being. Homilies on Matthew are completely apolitical. Chrysostom never even mentions governors or political situations. Similarly, he does not speak about ecclesiastical canons of councils of Antioch from the fourth century. He is only interested in how to explain the best way to all the listeners the Good News that Jesus has brought on earth.At the end, Fr. Baron gives some examples of Chrysostom’s exegesis: Mt 12: 33-37; 10: 32; 28: 1-3 and Homily on Matthew 85, 3-4.


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