scholarly journals Biopolítica e direitos humanos: uma relação revisitada guiada pelo cortejo da ajuda humanitária

2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (37) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Daniel Arruda Nascimento

Com o escopo de revisitar a relação entre biopolítica e direitos humanos, as linhas que se seguem se dedicam ao diálogo que Giorgio Agamben estabelece com Hannah Arendt. The origens of totalitarianism e The human condition, publicados respectivamente em 1951 e 1958, e Homo sacer: il potere sovrano e la nuda vita e Mezzi senza fine: note sulla politica, publicados em 1995 e 1996, serão as referências mais proeminentes. O diálogo será, todavia, orientado pelo cortejo da ajuda humanitária. Devemos levar a sério as hipóteses do filósofo italiano a esse respeito. Por um lado, o humanitário surge no nosso século purificado de todo comprometimento político, contribuindo para consolidar a compreensão da vida como mera vida, vida biológica, simples fato de ser vivente. Por outro lado, aferrando-se contraditoriamente na visão da “vida nua” como aquela desprovida de direitos, podemos observar que a ajuda humanitária substitui o reconhecimento, a atribuição e a garantia de direitos. A distribuição de cestas básicas e remédios adia sempre mais o gesto de reconhecimento da igualdade, a justa atribuição de direitos e a garantia de oportunidades para o exercício de direitos, levando-nos ao ponto de não mais evitar as suspeitas deque uma secreta solidariedade,celebrada entre os organismos internacionais de ajuda humanitária e as forças que deveriam combater, embala os sonhos contemporâneos.

Author(s):  
Bonnie Honig

This epilogue compares the public things model with that of two others, the commons (or undercommons) and shared space. It argues that while all three models respond to the democratic need, public things have their own specific and necessary contribution to make. The Lincoln Memorial is the sort of thing Hannah Arendt has in mind as the basis of shared memory and action in The Human Condition. The commons model identifies the losses caused by dispossession, appropriation, and accumulation, and public things may well look like one more enclosure in a very long line of them. This epilogue discusses the contributions that all three models can make to the project of preventing ever-increasing privatization and promoting justice and equality in contemporary democratic societies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lance Strate

Despite the different positions that Marshall McLuhan and Neil Postman took in regard to moral or ethical judgements, common ground can be found in the insistence that we first need to work towards understanding media, and only then can we take part in their ethical evaluation. Media ecology, as the study of media as environments and the study of environments as media, is also the study of the conditions we live under, that in turn condition us. Based in part on the philosophy of Hannah Arendt, the human condition can be divided into three basic categories, the symbolic, the technological and the biophysical, with the possible addition of a fourth, the spiritual. As part of the human condition, ethics can be considered a medium with a message of its own, a medium that is altered as we move from oral to chirographic, typographic and electronic media environments. Building on this understanding, we can develop a media ecology ethics, and to that end, some basic elements of a media ecology ethics are introduced.


1984 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shiraz Dossa

Since its publication,Eichmann in Jerusalemhas provoked a storm of controversy. With a few exceptions, critics reacted to the substance of Arendt's thesis with considerable bitterness and hostility. This article argues that her detractors badly misunderstood Arendt because they were insufficiently conversant with, or unaware of, her political theory. Fundamental to this theory, articulated at length in herThe Human Condition, is the crucial distinction between the public and the private. None of her critics, including those who sympathized with Arendt, have understood that her critical analysis of Eichmann's conduct and of the response of the Jewish leadership to the tragic fate that befell their people makes sense on the peculiar terrain of her political theory and particularly in terms of the public-private distinction which lies at the core of this theory.


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