10. Asian migration to the united states: Development implications for Asia

Author(s):  
Philip Martin
1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilawan Kanjanapan

This article examines recent flows of Asian professionals to the United States based on the Immigration and Naturalization Service data for the fiscal years 1988–1990. Three specific dimensions of the Asian migration stream were investigated, namely, size, composition and mode of entry. The results show that Asians emerge as a dominant group in the immigration of all professionals. An examination of mode of entry indicates an existing demand for foreign professionals of certain occupational backgrounds in the U.S. labor market. Engineers and computer scientists represent this pattern as reflected by a heavy usage of the occupational preferences to enter the host country. Adjustment of status from temporary visas appears to be a common strategy. By contrast, health professionals were more likely to be admitted through kinship ties and the majority are new arrivals. The argument that the outflow of the highly trained Asians is simply a matter of migration and education is not fully supported by the data.


Genealogy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Banh

According to scholar and Professor Wang Gungwu, there are three categories of Chinese overseas documents: formal (archive), practical (print media), and expressive (migrant writings such as poetry). This non-fiction creative essay documents what Edna Bonacich describes as an “middleman minority” family and how we have migrated to four different nation-city states in four generations. Our double minority status in one country where we were discriminated against helped us psychologically survive in another country. My family history ultimately exemplifies the unique position “middleman minority” families have in the countries they migrate to and how the resulting discrimination that often accompanies this position can work as a psychological advantage when going to a new country. We also used our cultural capital to survive in each new country. In particular, this narrative highlights the lasting psychological effects of the transnational migration on future generations. There is a wall of shame, fear, and traumas in my family’s migration story that still pervades today. My family deals with everything with silence, obfuscation, and anger. It has taken me twenty years to recollect a story so my own descendants can know where we came from. Thus, this is a shadow history that will add to the literature on Sino-Southeast Asian migration and remigration out to the United States. Specifically, my family’s migration began with my grandfather leaving Guangdong, China to Saigon, Vietnam (1935), to Hong Kong, (1969) (then a British Colony), and eventually to the United States (1975). This article explains why my family migrated multiple times across multiple generations before eventually ending up in California. Professor Wang urges librarians, archivists, and scholars to document and preserve the Chinese migrants’ expressive desires of migrant experiences and this expressive memoir piece answers that call.


Author(s):  
Jigna Desai

Popular conceptions of Bollywood imagine it as a recent entry onto the global screen and stage. Although it is not incorrect to think of Bollywood as a recent formation, scholars can point to an early-20th-century coining of the neologism, even while suggesting that the more recent use of the term coincides with the liberalization of the Indian economy and the globalization of cultural forms and industries since the 1980s. Components of the current transnational assemblage that is popularly called Bollywood can be traced to the long-standing international formations of Bombay Hindi-Urdu cinema. Early and mid-20th-century Bombay cinema was mobilized through colonial, diasporic, and international circuits that brought it to London, China, Russia, and the United States. Consequently, Bollywood has been present in the United States and specifically playing to Asian American publics for over seven decades. During the mid-20th century, Bombay films ran in American art-house theaters; their distribution was often assisted by the effort and labor of Indian Americans who were seeking to gain greater exposure for Indian films. But it was post-1965 Asian migration that established the centrality of film and film cultures to Asian American communities, including but not limited to South Asian diasporic publics; this growth coincided with the globalization of Bombay cinema into a transnational Bollywood media ecology. It is important to recognize the significance of Bollywood as an assemblage within the cultural citizenship and racialized socialities of South Asian Americans and its significance to the affect and temporality of other groups, including Hmong American refugees.


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