Direct Democracy Practices of Local Authorities in Turkey

Direct democracy, an early form of democracy, which was applied in city states of ancient Athens, is at the agenda of politics again, especially at local levels due to the limitations of the representative democracy. People do not want to voice their ideas about the cities or countries where they live just once in four or five years by casting their votes in the ballot box. They desire to be involved in decision-making mechanisms, at least for relatively more important issues that might have direct effect over their lives. Today, more local governments are applying direct democracy tools in line with the expectations of local residents and as a requirement of the local governance principle of participation. Of course, as it is the case in representative democracy, direct democracy, which aims civic engagement for each significant decision, has some limitations. This chapter will explore the implementation of direct democracy by municipalities in Turkey, with all its variation, sources of motivation, opportunities, and challenges.

Playing with Peace: Solomon as the Man of Peace and Rest, and the Temple as the House of Rest

It is well-known that the notions of peace, rest and order belonged to the royal Achaemenid ideology, particularly from the time of Darius I onwards. This can be witnessed in Achaemenid architecture, iconography and royal inscriptions. However, although the relations between the Persian Empire and the Greek city-states were never completely peaceful, the diplomatic relations between Persia and particularly Sparta emphasised the value and importance of peace for international politics. How did this international discourse influence the literature formation in Yehud at the same time? In addition, can one read the Chronicler’s portrayal of King Solomon of old as playful (and undermining) irony and polemic against the imperial masters? In this article, I revisit an earlier study in which I have started investigating the rhetorical locus of the Chronicler’s portrayal of this king.

Religion and Classical Europe, Twelfth Century bce–600 ce

In a history of religion and Europe classical Antiquity is both an example of difference, that is, the polytheistic systems of Greek and Roman religions, and the beginnings of the monotheistic religions, which became the mainstream in medieval and modern Europe. Drawing on the rituals, symbols, and patterns of polytheism as the legacy of the palace cultures in the Ancient Near East and Greece (until 1200 bc), the city-states (poleis) adapted these to non-autocratic societies (polis-religion). In the empires of Hellenism and the Roman Empire itself, religions were not part of a power structure (e.g. a ruler-cult). Rather their urban character allowed a plural neighbourhood, in which the monotheistic religions were well integrated. In late Antiquity a long transformation formed the Middle Ages, when with the rise of Islam the Mediterranean became divided into three parts: the Islamic south, Greek Orthodoxy in the east, and Latin-speaking ‘Europe’ in the north-west.

Empire, nationalism and christianity

This paper studies in parallel the history of empire and the development of universals. It uses as its preliminary orientation the work of Eric Voegelin who argued that universals develop in history alongside and through universalising empires. We find this basic contention highly credible as it is empires that force us to develop cognitive approaches that encompass both colonised and coloniser in any subsequent social structure. So conceived, the paper then argues that empires are synonymous with human history as such and that even those entities (such a Greek city states) which are eulogised for escaping this logic are on examination no less imperial than the empires they oppose. The paper then argues that the development of universals is not a byproduct of empire but rather that it drives imperial expansion in the first place. It seeks to argue that ideation is the casual factor in human history, social structures and behaviour. It argues contra thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, there is no biological foundation for the qualitative distinctions of civilisation, rather the paper contends that the origin of civilisation lies in human conceptuality not human biology, locality or indeed any other material force impinging on life. So configured, the paper then concludes that the primary political question lies in bringing together the question of the good with empire – a process most advanced in human history by Christianity.

The Dancing Floor of War: A study of Theban imperialism within Boeotia, ca. 525-386BCE

<p>This thesis is a reexamination of Thebes’ relationship with the neighbouring Greek poleis (city states) of Boeotia in early Greek history, including but not limited to the so-called Boeotian League or Confederation. Although it is generally acknowledged that Thebes was the dominant city of Boeotia in the Archaic and Classical Periods, scholarly opinion has varied on how to classify Thebes’ dominance. At some point in the period considered here, the Boeotian states gathered themselves together into a regional collective, a confederation. The features of this union (in which Thebes was the leading participant) obscure Thebes’ ambitions to subjugate other Boeotian states. I argue here that it is appropriate to define Thebes’ relationship with Boeotia as imperialist. I begin with a methodological consideration of the application of imperialism to ancient Greek history. The thesis considers in the first chapters three stages of development in Theban imperialism: firstly an early period (ca. 525) in which Thebes encouraged nascent Boeotian ethnic identity, promoting its own position as the natural leader of Boeotia. Secondly, a period (ca. 525–447) in which a military alliance of Boeotian states developed under the leadership of Thebes. Thirdly, a period which was the earliest true form of the Boeotian Confederation, contrary to scholarship which pushes the date of the Boeotian collective government back to the sixth century. I argue that the Boeotian federal constitution of 447–386 gave Thebes sufficient control of Boeotia to be classified as an imperialist structure. A final chapter independently considers the evidence of Boeotian coinage, which has often been used problematically to inform historical analysis of Boeotian relations. I argue that on cultural and economic grounds alone the numismatic evidence suggests that Thebes’ dominance in Boeotia extended to monetary influence.</p>

The Dancing Floor of War: A study of Theban imperialism within Boeotia, ca. 525-386BCE

<p>This thesis is a reexamination of Thebes’ relationship with the neighbouring Greek poleis (city states) of Boeotia in early Greek history, including but not limited to the so-called Boeotian League or Confederation. Although it is generally acknowledged that Thebes was the dominant city of Boeotia in the Archaic and Classical Periods, scholarly opinion has varied on how to classify Thebes’ dominance. At some point in the period considered here, the Boeotian states gathered themselves together into a regional collective, a confederation. The features of this union (in which Thebes was the leading participant) obscure Thebes’ ambitions to subjugate other Boeotian states. I argue here that it is appropriate to define Thebes’ relationship with Boeotia as imperialist. I begin with a methodological consideration of the application of imperialism to ancient Greek history. The thesis considers in the first chapters three stages of development in Theban imperialism: firstly an early period (ca. 525) in which Thebes encouraged nascent Boeotian ethnic identity, promoting its own position as the natural leader of Boeotia. Secondly, a period (ca. 525–447) in which a military alliance of Boeotian states developed under the leadership of Thebes. Thirdly, a period which was the earliest true form of the Boeotian Confederation, contrary to scholarship which pushes the date of the Boeotian collective government back to the sixth century. I argue that the Boeotian federal constitution of 447–386 gave Thebes sufficient control of Boeotia to be classified as an imperialist structure. A final chapter independently considers the evidence of Boeotian coinage, which has often been used problematically to inform historical analysis of Boeotian relations. I argue that on cultural and economic grounds alone the numismatic evidence suggests that Thebes’ dominance in Boeotia extended to monetary influence.</p>

Royal Polis Policy in the Seleukid Heartland

<p>In the Hellenistic Period most of the Greek poleis (city-states) came under the control of the Greco-Macedonian kings. The ideology of the poleis, which stressed the importance of autonomy, conflicted with the reality of royal domination. In Western Asia Minor, this conflict was resolved by presenting the relationship between king and polis as one of free association, in which the poleis were allowed a large amount of autonomy. The kings used ideas of reciprocity to tie the poleis to them and worked to make their rule as amenable as possible, while the poleis of Western Asia Minor continued to aspire to complete independence. This was not the only possible resolution of the conflict between polis autonomy and royal dominance, however. In the Seleukid heartland of Syria and Mesopotamia the Seleukids founded and maintained new poleis. By means of names, myths, and symbols, the identities of these poleis were closely linked to the Seleukid dynasty. As a result, expressions of polis identity were expressions of loyalty to the dynasty, rather than of opposition. Their internal structures were based around an alliance between the royally-appointed epistatēs and the magistrates of the city, who represented a small civic elite. Royal support was thus important to the internal power structure of these poleis. The poleis of the Seleukid heartland did not pursue full independence, even when the Seleukid royal power collapsed at the end of the Hellenistic period because, entirely unlike the poleis of Western Asia Minor, submission to a higher power was a central part of their identities and internal structures.</p>

Royal Polis Policy in the Seleukid Heartland

<p>In the Hellenistic Period most of the Greek poleis (city-states) came under the control of the Greco-Macedonian kings. The ideology of the poleis, which stressed the importance of autonomy, conflicted with the reality of royal domination. In Western Asia Minor, this conflict was resolved by presenting the relationship between king and polis as one of free association, in which the poleis were allowed a large amount of autonomy. The kings used ideas of reciprocity to tie the poleis to them and worked to make their rule as amenable as possible, while the poleis of Western Asia Minor continued to aspire to complete independence. This was not the only possible resolution of the conflict between polis autonomy and royal dominance, however. In the Seleukid heartland of Syria and Mesopotamia the Seleukids founded and maintained new poleis. By means of names, myths, and symbols, the identities of these poleis were closely linked to the Seleukid dynasty. As a result, expressions of polis identity were expressions of loyalty to the dynasty, rather than of opposition. Their internal structures were based around an alliance between the royally-appointed epistatēs and the magistrates of the city, who represented a small civic elite. Royal support was thus important to the internal power structure of these poleis. The poleis of the Seleukid heartland did not pursue full independence, even when the Seleukid royal power collapsed at the end of the Hellenistic period because, entirely unlike the poleis of Western Asia Minor, submission to a higher power was a central part of their identities and internal structures.</p>

City States in the Later Medieval Mediterranean World

This article offers a comparative study of city states in the Christian and Islamic spheres of the later medieval Mediterranean world, with a particular focus on Italy, Syria and al-Andalus. Medieval city states are not usually associated with the Islamic world, but rather with a narrative that has foregrounded the exceptional nature of European cities in world history, especially the famous city republics in Northern and Central Italy, and the role that city states played in the formation of European states. Yet city states were a phenomenon that could be observed across urbanized regions of the Mediterranean world where cities turned into important political arenas in the context of sustained political fragmentation. City states are best approached as political systems that were characterized by brittle regimes and experienced high levels of political volatility: they often lacked a clear boundary between the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ of city states and were characterized by the multiple political organizations that crystallized in, and fought hard to control, urban political space. The most commonly shared type of political organization in city states was the urban lordship, but city-based lords usually found themselves in intense competition with elite-based collective associations, families and factions, and popular political organizations.

The 373 B.C. Helike (Gulf of Corinth, Greece) Earthquake and Tsunami, Revisited

Ancient authors report the destruction and drowning in 373 B.C. in the Gulf of Corinth (Greece) of Helike (Helice and Eliki), an important, nearly coastal town, and of Boura (Bura, Buris, Bouris, and Voura), another town in the hinterland, as a punishment by the ancient God Poseidon because of a serious crime committed in his shrine. This narrative has been regarded as a description of a true event, though with some exaggerations, and the 373 B.C. event is included in earthquake and tsunami catalogs. In the first part of this article, it is shown that (1) local natural hazards exclude the possibility (risk) of total loss of the ancient “polis” (town state) of ancient Helike because of its vulnerability due to its geography. (2) Systematic geoarchaeological studies confirm this prediction because they reveal essentially undisturbed archaeological layers predating and postdating 373 B.C., with no signs of a tsunami. (3) Archaeological excavations have recently brought to light, among other findings, remains of the harbor of Boura and of the shrine of Poseidon at Helike, as well as coins issued by Helike several decades after its alleged loss. This evidence permits a reconsideration of ancient texts related to the loss of Helike in a supervised learning-type approach. It was found that genuine ancient Greek texts do not mention any catastrophe of Helike, but rather that the legend of its total loss appeared several centuries later in Roman times, in local legends, rumors, and forged or manipulated ancient texts (e.g., by pseudo-Aristotle). The ancient legend became important because it explained the collapse of the town state of Helike and it fit ancient religious ideas in a tectonically active region because of the rapid burial (“disappearance”) of ancient Greek remains under sediments in a young delta and because of the prominent location of Helike in the seafaring route between Rome and the eastern Mediterranean. For earthquakes before our era, historical and archaeological data have attracted interpretations… attributing to earthquakes… the demise of flourishing city-states. …The reason for the revival of catastrophe hypotheses is perhaps that they are easy to explain. They are too simple, too obvious and too coincidental and chiefly because they have become fashionable in recent years. (Ambraseys, 2006)