The Quest for Industrial Citizenship

Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter explores the contribution of working-class immigrant women—another important but often underestimated group—to the movement. Working-class women touted the vote as a viable solution to wage woes and threatening working conditions. They did not need elite suffragists to empower them; working-class women transferred the speaking and activist skills they had honed in the labor movement to disseminate their suffragist convictions. In addition, many of the women possessed some of the same qualities suffrage leaders valued in their workers; being young and single, they had the freedom to travel the state and the ability to appeal to broad, working-class audiences. They compensated for class tensions by appealing to multi-ethnic voters as Irish, German, Russian, Polish, Jewish, and Italian women joined the suffrage alliance.

Author(s):  
Keona K. Ervin

In the Funsten Nut Strike of 1933, nut shellers shut down production to protest poor working conditions and wage cuts. A group of black working-class women positioned themselves at the center of Depression-era politics through the highly publicized, Communist-organized strike against the Funsten Nut Company. Among the most influential labor battles of its era, the strike carved out a space for black women workers in the growing and increasingly powerful radical labor movement, marking the development of that movement in St. Louis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1087-1101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharmila Rudrappa

In the decade following legalization of commercial surrogacy in 2002, India became the largest provider of surrogacy services. Then, in December 2015 commercial surrogacy was banned. In this article I show that commercial surrogacy was no panacea for working-class women, but the ban can potentially be far worse because the Indian state now allows only altruistic surrogacy between citizen couples and their women kinfolk who will provide gestation services for no monetary compensation. By positing altruistic surrogacy as a superior alternative, the Indian state has effectively deregulated surrogacy, potentially allowing deeper exploitation of women. I conclude that if the state wants to halt exploitation of working-class women, which is the expressed reason for banning commercial surrogacy, then policies need to be directed at strengthening labor laws to protect women as productive individuals, rather than wives or mothers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 76-109
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins

This chapter explains why these women wanted the vote through a case study of Annie Kenney’s political beliefs. Annie Kenney’s autobiography, Memories of a Militant, is largely a justification of militancy activity: an explanation of how women sought to gain the vote, rather than an explanation of why she wanted it herself. Yet to understand why she and her sisters devoted their efforts to the cause, it is important to examine what they believed it signified. Annie Kenney tended to emphasize three main principles in her claims for the vote. First, that working-class women would benefit from enfranchisement because it would help them achieve better living and working conditions. Second, that all women, regardless of class, would benefit from joining the campaign, which she saw in moral and spiritual terms as transformative for women. Finally, she argued that women had both the desire and the duty to contribute to national life, framing her claims in terms of women’s potential and responsibility to serve the race, nation, and Empire. While these ideas will be familiar to scholars of suffrage, this chapter suggests they had the potential to cut across class. While focused on Annie Kenney, the chapter indicates possible reasons why working-class women were drawn not only to the suffrage cause but to the WSPU in particular. This chapter not only highlights the range and significance of the concerns which motivated Annie Kenney, but also identifies the limitations and consequences of her political vision.


1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-176
Author(s):  
Michael seidman

SummaryA focus on politically uncommitted working-class women alters the traditional historiographical emphasis on collective militancy in the Spanish Revolution. A large number of females acted ambivalently towards the cause, and revolutionaries were forced to confront women's individualism. In the search for the collective identities of class and gender, this individualism has been ignored. Instead of neglecting or condemning the personal, historians should try to understand how an exploration of the varieties of subversive individualism – resistance to workplace discipline, opportunism, and petty fraud – can expand the boundaries of social history and help to contribute to a theory of the state.


2009 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tara Martin

AbstractIn the midst of the freezing winter of 1978 and 1979, strikes erupted across Britain. In what became infamously known as the “Winter of Discontent,” workers struck against the Labour Government's attempts to curtail wage increases. The defeat of this “incomes policy” and Labour's subsequent electoral defeat ushered in an era of unprecedented political, economic, and social change for Britain. Conservative victory, under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, not only seemed to signal the dissolution of “traditional” working-class ties to the Labour Party, it also suggested that British working-class politics might finally be on its last leg. Furthermore, a potent social myth developed around the Winter of Discontent, one where “bloody-minded” workers brought down a sympathetic government and “invited” the ravages of Thatcherism upon the British labor movement.Absent from these various narratives are the experiences of rank-and-file activists, in particular, the growing number of female trade unionists active in these strikes. This article examines the experiences of a group of women trade unionists from the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE) who participated in the strikes of the Winter of Discontent. Based on oral histories and corresponding archival material, it argues that the Winter of Discontent provided a crucial “rite of passage” for these women, one which exposed them to an unprecedented level of involvement in grassroots labor activism and leadership. Thereafter, these working-class women began to make significant inroads into NUPE and the Labour Party, which helped to make working women's issues more central to the British labor movement for decades to come. Therefore, rather than being the death knell of British working-class politics, this study of women involved in the Winter of Discontent strikes reveals that while one form of working-class politics was in decline, a reconfigured one was in the process of being born.


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


Author(s):  
M. A. Fesenko ◽  
E. V. Zueva ◽  
E. V. Fedorova

The possibility of using the survey as an intermediate stage of assessing the state of working conditions and health of workers. It is concluded that this method is not applicable as an independent device but can be used with other methods of medical research.


Brood & Rozen ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ludwine Soubry ◽  
Geert Van Goethem ◽  
Paule Verbruggen

2015 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-52
Author(s):  
Katalin Nagyváradi ◽  
Zsuzsa Mátrai

AbstractSeveral research works in the related international literature on sociology and health sciences deal with the state of health in one selected population. In these studies, the chosen sample is often connected with special jobs, especially with healthcare professionals and their working conditions. These studies predominantly examine the self-rated subjective health status using questionnaires. There are others that assess the state of health based not only on self-rated subjective indicators, but also using objective data gained by measuring. Considering the international experiences, we chose a special population in our research – healthcare professionals working in an institute for chronically ill psychiatric patients. Our choice was influenced by the fact that we wanted to include their unique working conditions when exploring and assessing their health status. Moreover, our approach was to assess the objective state of health alongside the subjective factors, as our hypothesis was that the majority of the indicators presumably coincided. The data were collected with the help of three questionnaires and some indicators of the objective health statuses were measured. The findings were processed using the SPSS 17.0 mathematical-statistical software package. Following the descriptive statistics, we applied hierarchic cluster-analysis based on results of the WHOQOLD-BREF26 life-quality questionnaire, the WHO WBI-5 Well Being Index, and on the body composition analysis. The results show the objective and subjective health status of population and the factors that influenced it; the working conditions and the interpersonal contacts in the workplace. The conclusion was that in the examined population the subjective and objective health status doesn’t coincide.


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