A estratégia hegemônica do realismo na narrativa venezuelana e haitiana no início do século XXI / The Hegemonic Strategy of Realism in the Venezuelan and Haitian Narrative in the Beginning of the 21st Century

Resumo: O trabalho analisa dois textos realistas latino-americanos, Bicentenaire (2004) do escritor haitiano Lyonel Trouillot e Yo maté a Simón Bolívar (2010) do venezuelano Vicente Ulive-Schnell, como produtos simbólicos em circulação num campo comunicacional amplo no qual o sentido das obras como mensagens interage com o horizonte ideológico de época. A leitura literária da identidade dos personagens se fará tomando em conta o conceito de articulação de Gramsci (2011). A relação complementar entre obra e mercado se fará partindo do conceito gramsciano de hegemonia, revisado em sentido pós-estrutural por Laclau e Mouffe (2001), e também da leitura política da literatura proposta por Jameson (1994) e Rancière (2000; 2007). A tensão nas identidades marginalizadas e classes sociais articuladas nos romances aponta para uma exibição crítica da vida nacional e a desigualdade socioeconômica e, além disso, para a construção de uma nova hegemonia cultural. Porém, as obras e seus autores lidam com a frustração de observar os limites do mercado literário no debate nacional ao se deparar com o baixo índice de leitura de sociedades dominadas hegemonicamente por outros horizontes, mercados e suportes comunicacionais.Palavras-chave: romance; Haiti; Venezuela; articulação identitária; hegemonia cultural.Abstract: The article analyzes two realist Latin American texts, Bicentenaire (2004) by Haitian writer Lyonel Trouillot and Yo maté a Simón Bolívar (2010) by the Venezuelan Vicente Ulive-Schnell, as symbolic products in circulation in a broad communicational field in which the meaning of the works as messages interacts with the ideological horizon of the time. The literary reading of the characters’ identities will be done taking into account the concept of articulation by Gramsci (2011). The complementary relationship between literary work and market will be based on his concept of hegemony, reviewed in a post-structural sense by Laclau and Mouffe (2001), and also on the political reading of literature proposed by Jameson (1994) and Rancière (2000; 2007). The tension in marginalized identities and social classes articulated in the novels points to a critical exhibition of national life and socioeconomic inequality and, moreover, to the construction of a new cultural hegemony. However, the works and their authors deal with the frustration of observing the limits of the literary market in the national debate when faced with the low reading rate of societies dominated hegemonically by other horizons, markets and communicational supports.Keywords: novel; Haiti; Venezuela; identitary articulation; cultural hegemony.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONCEPT OF NATIONAL CHARACTER WITHIN «CULTURE AND PERSONALITY» SCHOOL: CRITICISM AND TRANSFORMATION

Статья посвящена такому актуальному и дискуссионному явлению как национальный характер. В рамках статьи рассматривается развитие концепции национального характера в период существования школы «культура и личность». Основная проблематика концепции заключалась в ее обоснованности и применении не только в рамках культурной антропологии, но и в социологии и психологии. В ранний период существования школы «культура и личность» (1927–1945 гг.) Э. Сэпиром и Р. Бенедикт закладываются основы школы, а также складываются основные направления методологического развития концепции — появляются такие подходы как «базовая личностная структура» А. Кардинера и «модальная личность» К. Дюбуа, а также поднимается проблематика исследований национального характера в контексте достоверности результатов и работе со сложными социальными структурами и нациями в целом. В рамках раннего периода показано влияние Второй мировой войны на развитие концепции национального характера и указаны причины востребованности исследований в рамках национального характера. В поздний период деятельности школы (1946–1969 гг.) происходит усиление критики со стороны социологов и психологов не только национального характера, но и подхода «культура и личность» за недостаточность эмпирических данных. Особое внимание в этот период уделяется развитию подходов, изучающих личностные характеристики представителей наций. Одновременно с этим формируется методологическая база кросс-культурных исследований и образуется задел для создания кросс-культурной психологии. В рамках всей статьи показаны две волны критики национального характера, итогом которых в конце 1960-х стало отрицание существования национального характера как явления национальной жизни представителями научного сообщества того времени, а школа «культура и личность» испытывала кризис и пришла в упадок. Приведены оценки исследований того времени в отношении развития национального характера в рамках школы «культура и личностность», а также предложения по выходу из методологического кризиса. The article is devoted to such a topical and controversial phenomenon as national character. The article examines the development of the concept of national character during the existence of “culture and personality” school. The main problematic of the concept was connected with its validity and application not only within the framework of cultural anthropology, but also in sociology and psychology. During the early “culture and personality” school (1927–1945) E. Sapir and R. Benedict laid the foundations of the school, as well as the main directions of the methodological development of the concept — such approaches as the “basic personality structure” by A. Kardiner and “modal personality” by K. Du Bois, the problem of research of a national character in the context of the reliability of the results and work with complex social structures and nations in general is raised. Within the framework of the early period, the influence of the Second World War on the development of the concept of national character is shown and the reasons for the demand for research within the framework of the national character are indicated. In the later period of the school's activity (1946–1969), there is an increase in criticism from sociologists and psychologists not only of a national character, but also of “culture and personality” approach for the lack of empirical data. During this period, special attention is paid to the development of approaches that study the personal characteristics of representatives of nations. At the same time, a methodological basis for cross-cultural research is being formed and the groundwork for creating cross-cultural psychology is being formed. Throughout the article, two waves of criticism of the national character are presented, the result of which in the late 1960s was the denial of the existence of national character by a significant number of scientists as a phenomenon of national life, and “culture and personality” school experienced a crisis and fell into decay. Various assessments of the studies of that time on the development of national character within the framework of the “culture and personality” school are shown, as well as proposals for a way out of the methodological crisis.

Beliefs

This chapter explains why these women wanted the vote through a case study of Annie Kenney’s political beliefs. Annie Kenney’s autobiography, Memories of a Militant, is largely a justification of militancy activity: an explanation of how women sought to gain the vote, rather than an explanation of why she wanted it herself. Yet to understand why she and her sisters devoted their efforts to the cause, it is important to examine what they believed it signified. Annie Kenney tended to emphasize three main principles in her claims for the vote. First, that working-class women would benefit from enfranchisement because it would help them achieve better living and working conditions. Second, that all women, regardless of class, would benefit from joining the campaign, which she saw in moral and spiritual terms as transformative for women. Finally, she argued that women had both the desire and the duty to contribute to national life, framing her claims in terms of women’s potential and responsibility to serve the race, nation, and Empire. While these ideas will be familiar to scholars of suffrage, this chapter suggests they had the potential to cut across class. While focused on Annie Kenney, the chapter indicates possible reasons why working-class women were drawn not only to the suffrage cause but to the WSPU in particular. This chapter not only highlights the range and significance of the concerns which motivated Annie Kenney, but also identifies the limitations and consequences of her political vision.

THE PROBLEM OF BURIAL ORGANIZATION AND HONORING THE MEMORY OF UNR SOLDIERS IN POLAND IN 1989–2005

After 1989, the change of the political system in Poland from a totalitarian to a democratic one allowed the Ukrainian national minority in Poland to develop its own national life. In addition to cultural and political activities, people became interested in their own history, and the process of reviving their own historical memory began. One of its elements was the problem of honoring the memory of people important to the Ukrainian nation who were buried in what is now Poland. Among the burials were the graves of UPR soldiers who found themselves in Poland and died as a result of the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920. Under the Polish People’s Republic, their graves were both intentionally and unintentionally abandoned, and the then authorities did not agree to restore them. Such an opportunity arose only after 1989, but even here the Ukrainian community met with resistance from some representatives of central and local authorities. However, several cemeteries and buildings dedicated to UPR soldiers, Poland’s allies in the war with Bolshevik Russia, were tidied up and renovated.Key words: Poland, Ukraine, UPR, Ukrainian military cemeteries, commemoration. Після 1989 р. зміна політичної системи в Польщі з тоталітарної на демократичну дозволила українській національній меншині в Польщі розвивати власне національне життя. Крім культурної та політичної діяльності, люди зацікавилися власною історією, розпочався процес відродження власної історичної пам’яті. Одним з її елементів була проблема вшанування пам’яті людей, важливих для української нації, котрі були поховані на території нинішньої Польщі. Серед поховань були могили воїнів УНР, котрі опинилися у Польщі в результаті польсько-більшовицької війни 1920 року та померли у Польській Народній Республіці. Згодом їхні могили були як навмисно, так і ненавмисно занедбані, а тодішня влада не погодилася на їх відновлення. Така можливість виникла лише після 1989 року, але і тут українська громада зустріла опір з боку деяких представників центральної та місцевої влади. Тим не менше, кілька кладовищ та будівель, присвячених воїнам УНР, союзникам Польщі у війні з більшовицькою Росією, були впорядковані та оновлені.Ключові слова: Польща, Україна, УНР, українські військові кладовища, вшанування пам’яті.

Wpływ zapisów z podróży Maksymiliana Andrysona po południowej Warmii na rozbudzenie świadomości narodowej pod koniec XIX wieku

The aim of this article is to interpret Maksymilian Andryson’s records kept in 1881, during his travels around Warmia, and published in "Dziennik Poznań" in five instalments in 1882. He drew attention to the waning national life of the Poles living there, the deepening processes of Germanization and, therefore, the need for the Poles from the other lands under Prussian rule to become interested in the forgotten, to some extent, Warmia. He warned against its quick Germanization.

COUNTERDISCURSIVE ARTISTIC STRATEGIES OF UKRAINIAN ROMANTICISM

In Ukrainian romantic literature of the 1830s and 1840s, the authors turned their attention to folk art and historical themes. This aesthetic orientation of writing allowed the creation of texts that revealed aspects of the national life of Ukrainians. Romantic poets sought to artistically comprehend the Ukrainian past, to bring it out of oblivion, which was to help restore the historical memory of society and form a model of national self-identity. The ethnocultural identity, articulated in the texts of the Romantics, challenged the Russian imperial narrative, which sought to marginalize the Ukrainian value system by assimilating it with metropolitan axiology. Romantic literature of the first half of the nineteenth century created a powerful counterdiscursive strategy, which later transformed from the sphere of culture into the socio-political plane. The anti-colonial tendency introduces military symbols into romantic literature, as the appeal to the Cossack heritage actualizes in the Ukrainian cultural code markers of knightly victory and armed defence of the homeland. Romantic poets of the 1830s and 1840s transferred folklore and baroque chronicle imagery to written literature, in which the figures of the Cossacks were often heroized and glorified. Cossack military images allow Ukrainian authors to praise the pre-colonial period and poetize their military might, which, although in literary projection, opposes the oppressor. In the conditions of the Russian imperial discourse, the Ukrainian romantics resorted to the latent challenge to the metropolis, in the image of the enemy depicting the Poles, traditional opponents of the Cossacks. Such a strategy allows us to oppose the imperial narrative not directly, but through intermediaries, which are the Poles. At the same time, along with the military theme, the poetry of the Romantics includes the rhetoric of cruelty, which formats the Ukrainian world, dividing it into “Friends” and “Foes”. In general, the atmosphere of violence that often accompanies the image of the Other in romantic poetry allows us to represent the colonial trauma of the Ukrainian community, as acts of violence are interpreted as “just revenge” on enemies. At the same time, the glorification of one’s cruelty is an attempt to imitate the power of imperial discourse, which always labels such actions as a forced measure to subdue savages or preserve the achievements of civilization. The Ukrainian counterdiscursive strategy in the literature of Romanticism appears as an attempt to oppose and at the same time imitate metropolitan models.

Probabilistic Projection of Subnational Life Expectancy

Projecting mortality for subnational units, or regions, is of great interest to practicing demographers. We seek a probabilistic method for projecting subnational life expectancy that is based on the national Bayesian hierarchical model used by the United Nations, and at the same time is easy to use. We propose three methods of this kind. Two of them are variants of simple scaling methods. The third method models life expectancy for a region as equal to national life expectancy plus a region-specific stochastic process which is a heteroskedastic first-order autoregressive process (AR(1)), with a variance that declines to a constant as life expectancy increases. We apply our models to data from 29 countries. In an out-of-sample comparison, the proposed methods outperformed other comparative methods and were well calibrated for individual regions. The AR (1) method performed best in terms of crossover patterns between regions. Although the methods work well for individual regions, there are some limitations when evaluating within-country variation. We identified four countries for which the AR(1) method either underestimated or overestimated the predictive between-region within-country standard deviation. However, none of the competing methods work better in this regard than the AR(1) method. In addition to providing the full distribution of subnational life expectancy, the methods can be used to obtain probabilistic forecasts of age-specific mortality rates.