scholarly journals Women's Subversive Individualism in Barcelona during the 1930s

1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-176
Author(s):  
Michael seidman
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social History ◽  
The State ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Working Class Women ◽  
And Gender

SummaryA focus on politically uncommitted working-class women alters the traditional historiographical emphasis on collective militancy in the Spanish Revolution. A large number of females acted ambivalently towards the cause, and revolutionaries were forced to confront women's individualism. In the search for the collective identities of class and gender, this individualism has been ignored. Instead of neglecting or condemning the personal, historians should try to understand how an exploration of the varieties of subversive individualism – resistance to workplace discipline, opportunism, and petty fraud – can expand the boundaries of social history and help to contribute to a theory of the state.

The Quest for Industrial Citizenship

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Working Conditions ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Immigrant Women ◽  
The State ◽  
Viable Solution ◽  
Italian Women ◽  
Working Class Women

This chapter explores the contribution of working-class immigrant women—another important but often underestimated group—to the movement. Working-class women touted the vote as a viable solution to wage woes and threatening working conditions. They did not need elite suffragists to empower them; working-class women transferred the speaking and activist skills they had honed in the labor movement to disseminate their suffragist convictions. In addition, many of the women possessed some of the same qualities suffrage leaders valued in their workers; being young and single, they had the freedom to travel the state and the ability to appeal to broad, working-class audiences. They compensated for class tensions by appealing to multi-ethnic voters as Irish, German, Russian, Polish, Jewish, and Italian women joined the suffrage alliance.

Voices of Angels

2020 ◽  
pp. 153-174
Author(s):  
Stephanie Vander Wel
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Single Mother ◽  
Country Music ◽  
World War ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
Musical Discourse ◽  
Working Class Women ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Representations Of Women

Chapter 6 traces the musical and lyrical developments of honky-tonk in the late 1930s and 1940s with Al Dexter, Ernest Tubb, and Hank Williams and remained a predominant mode of country music after World War II, right when Kitty Wells, Goldie Hill, and Jean Shepard contributed to the musical discourse. These female artists, taking over male-defined and often parodic representations of women, developed narratives that articulated class-specific voices couched in the metaphors of sexual and material desire, heartache, and loss juxtaposed with 1950s ideals of domesticity. Examining the particulars of musical style and vocal expression, this chapter argues that female artists in their various enactments of the honky-tonk angel, the angry, jilted housewife, the single mother, and the forsaken lover disclosed the paradoxes of class and gender and helped to lift the cloak of invisibility shrouding working-class women.

Reproducing Dystopia: The Politics of Transnational Surrogacy in India, 2002–2015

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1087-1101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharmila Rudrappa
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
The State ◽  
Labor Laws ◽  
Commercial Surrogacy ◽  
Monetary Compensation ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Working Class Women

In the decade following legalization of commercial surrogacy in 2002, India became the largest provider of surrogacy services. Then, in December 2015 commercial surrogacy was banned. In this article I show that commercial surrogacy was no panacea for working-class women, but the ban can potentially be far worse because the Indian state now allows only altruistic surrogacy between citizen couples and their women kinfolk who will provide gestation services for no monetary compensation. By positing altruistic surrogacy as a superior alternative, the Indian state has effectively deregulated surrogacy, potentially allowing deeper exploitation of women. I conclude that if the state wants to halt exploitation of working-class women, which is the expressed reason for banning commercial surrogacy, then policies need to be directed at strengthening labor laws to protect women as productive individuals, rather than wives or mothers.

Making Black Los Angeles

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marne L. Campbell
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social History ◽  
Community Formation ◽  
American Founding ◽  
Communities Of Color ◽  
History Of ◽  
And Gender

Black Los Angeles started small. The first census of the newly formed Los Angeles County in 1850 recorded only twelve Americans of African descent alongside a population of more than 3,500 Anglo Americans. Over the following seventy years, however, the African American founding families of Los Angeles forged a vibrant community within the increasingly segregated and stratified city. In this book, historian Marne L. Campbell examines the intersections of race, class, and gender to produce a social history of community formation and cultural expression in Los Angeles. Expanding on the traditional narrative of middle-class uplift, Campbell demonstrates that the black working class, largely through the efforts of women, fought to secure their own economic and social freedom by forging communal bonds with black elites and other communities of color. This women-led, black working-class agency and cross-racial community building, Campbell argues, was markedly more successful in Los Angeles than in any other region in the country. Drawing from an extensive database of all African American households between 1850 and 1910, Campbell vividly tells the story of how middle-class African Americans were able to live, work, and establish a community of their own in the growing city of Los Angeles.

Book Reviews

1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-134
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Urban Landscape ◽  
The State ◽  
German History ◽  
Political Dissent ◽  
National Community ◽  
German Politics ◽  
And Gender

Robert C. HolubThe Cambridge Companion to Nietzsche edited by Bernd Magnus and Kathleen M. HigginsPeter JelavichThe Ghosts of Berlin: Confronting German History in the Urban Landscape by Brian LaddAndrea WuerthA German Women’s Movement: Class and Gender in Hanover, 1880-1933 by Nancy R. ReaginAnton PelinkaNazism and the Working Class in Austria: Industrial Unrest and Political Dissent in the “National Community” by Timothy KirkBen MeredithMitteleuropa and German Politics 1848 to the Present by Jörg BrechtefeldThomas WelskoppSociety, Culture, and the State in Germany 1870–1930 edited by Geoff Eley

Uncomfortable stains: Cleaning labour, class positioning and moral worth among working-class Chilean women

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 847-865
Author(s):  
Valentina Álvarez-López
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Moral Worth ◽  
Mature Women ◽  
Self Worth ◽  
Domestic Labour ◽  
Working Class Women ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Material Conditions ◽  
A Site ◽  
Paid Domestic Labour

This article explores ethnographically the ways in which working-class elderly and mature women position themselves in class and gender terms through the cleaning practices they carry out in their own households. Following contemporary research, it understands domestic labour as a site of production and negotiation of classed, gendered and ‘raced’ subject positions. Scholars researching on paid domestic labour have emphasised cleaning labour as devalued; however, this article argues that the unpaid cleaning labour the women carry out in their own households might become a source of self-worth. It does so by briefly depicting how the twentieth-century Chilean modernisation and processes of class formation were coupled with an emphasis on hygiene and cleanliness. It also provides an ethnographic description of working-class women’s cleaning practices, attending to the classed and gendered meanings and value the women attach to these practices, and discussing their negotiation of expected standards in relation to material conditions and the multiple demands and values of everyday life. It shows that the margin of negotiation is much reduced when the results of cleaning practices are more open to public view. It also argues that the women not only express their subjectivities through everyday negotiations of cleaning standards, but also produce particular modes of being working-class women.

scholarly journals Guest Editors' Introduction

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. v-xi
Author(s):  
Tamar Rapoport ◽  
Amir Ben Porat
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Social Conflicts ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Individual Group ◽  
Relative Autonomy ◽  
National Identification ◽  
Gender Hierarchies ◽  
And Gender

Israel, where it has been played every weekend all over the country since before the establishment of the state. Football is not just a game that children and adults love to play and watch; it also involves individual, group, and collective identities, and local and national identification. Football reflects, and often accentuates, political and social conflicts that highlight ethno-national, class, political, and gender hierarchies and tensions in society. The game is largely dependent on the surrounding context(s) that determines its “relative autonomy,” which shapes its distinguished fandom culture(s) and practices (Rapoport 2016).

Transience, Class and Gender in Interwar Sexual Health Policy: The Case of the Liverpool VD Scheme

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 544-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Caslin
Keyword(s):  
Health Policy ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Sexual Health ◽  
Venereal Disease ◽  
Sexual Practices ◽  
Working Class Women ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The City

Abstract Focusing on the implementation of the Liverpool VD Scheme, this article reasserts the importance of morality to interwar medical understandings about the spread of venereal disease. Despite claiming to offer impartial, practical solutions to the spread of venereal disease, the Liverpool VD Scheme, created in 1916, reflected and promoted the notion that the transient lifestyles of many of the working class presented physical and moral threats to the city. This article therefore counters suggestions that the interwar control of venereal disease was shaped by practicalities rather than moralities. Evidence is provided for the persistence of a medico-moralising that continued to place working-class sexual practices at the heart of discussions about the spread of venereal disease. However, presumptions about men’s biological need for sex combined with the local importance of the port, meaning that working-class seamen with VD were judged less harshly than working-class women with the same infections.

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