How can non-elected representatives secure democratic representation?

Research on the democratic legitimacy of non-elected actors influencing policy while acting as representatives is often lacking in governance literature, despite being increasingly relevant worldwide. Recent theories of representation argue that there are non-electoral mechanisms to appoint such non-elected representatives and hold them responsible for their actions. Consequently, democratic non-electoral representation can be achieved. Through empirical analysis, this article explores democratic non-electoral representation in governance networks by comparing how non-elected representatives, their constituents and the decision-making audience understand the outcome of representation to benefit the constituency, authorisation and accountability. The research findings conclude that all three groups mostly share the understanding of democratic non-electoral representation as ongoing interactions between representatives and constituents, multiple (if any) organisational and discursive sources of authorisation and deliberative aspects of accountability. All of these are non-electoral mechanisms that secure democratic representation. These findings make an important contribution to the literature on non-electoral representation in policymaking.

Non-Partisan School: A Conservative Education Initiative in Brazil

The main goal of this article is to analyse the Non-Partisan School movement (EsP, or Escola sem Partido) which articulates social and political actors around a conservative agenda for education in Brazil. Based on Ball’s studies, this article analyses political governance networks using a free software, GEPHI, using a qualitative network methodology. The article analyses some relevant social actors in this conservative initiative. The research shows that the Non-Partisan School, though presented as an initiative against ideological indoctrination, is in fact the result of a strong combination of ideological, conservative and partisan interests. The article shows that EsP is a conservative agenda among other movements in the struggle for ideological hegemony in the educational field.

Leveraging Administrative Capacity to Manage Landscape-Scale, Cross-Boundary Disturbance in the Black Hills: What Roles for Federal, State, Local, and Nongovernmental Partners?

Public land management agencies, such as the US Forest Service (USFS), confront challenges in leveraging limited administrative capacity to effectively manage landscape-scale, cross-boundary disturbances. Using case study methods, we investigated the ~1996–2016 outbreak of mountain pine beetle (Dendroctonus ponderosae Hopkins) in the Black Hills, a 1.5 million acre region in South Dakota and Wyoming. We identified four practices that can promote the leveraging of administrative capacity: (1) establishing multilevel governance networks; (2) performing both distinct and shared (“redundant”) partner roles; (3) maximizing the collaborative toolbox: drawing upon the variety of policy tools (older, newer) and modes of use (conventional, experimental); and (4) engaging a multilevel, multiorganizational network, with attention to the ways that a variety of network linkages can deploy a variety of policy tool types. This case demonstrates how the government-led model of network governance can be applied to leverage administrative capacity. These findings point to strategies to promote landscape-scale, cross-boundary management. Study Implications Public land managers, partners, and scientists can learn from the case of the Black Hills about practices to leverage administrative capacity to manage landscape-level, cross-boundary disturbances. Such practices involve governance networks, partner roles, and use of a collaborative toolbox from which policy tools are selected. Convening overlapping, multilevel networks (national forest, ranger district) can maximize consideration of various partner roles and collaborative toolbox options, including both tool type (older, newer) and mode of use (conventional, experimental). Attention to the variety of network linkages (federal, state, local, industry, NGO) can promote opportunities to deploy a variety of policy tools, thereby leveraging capacity.

The Construction of (Non-)Responsibility in Governance Networks

The notion of governance networks urges study of complex interaction processes rather than formal institutions. We argue that the study of interaction in governance networks should be widened to include different ways in which interaction shapes network outcomes. Here, we focus on a dimension of governance networks that is understood as fundamental and problematic, but that as yet has not been researched through the study of interaction: the construction of responsibility in such networks. We propose a model for the analysis of responsibility construction through (implicit) negotiation on the three proposed elements of responsibility and their links: stakeholder identities, contributions to reform, and norms. This model called “the triangle of responsibility in network governance” is the main result of our research. In addition, we offer an empirical case that illustrates both the problem of responsibility construction in network governance and the usefulness of our model, thereby providing proof of concept.