Meanings of Tones and Tunes

Theories of intonational meaning can be organized into two broad categories. Specialist theories aim to capture the meaning of a particular type of intonation contour, or even just a particular usage of that contour, typically using tools from formal semantics. By contrast, generalist theories aim to capture the meanings of a broader range of contours, typically by assigning more basic, underspecified meanings to a larger set of prosodic morphemes. Both strands have yielded important insights, but neither is entirely satisfactory: specialist theories have limited empirical scope and explanatory potential, and generalist theories have not readily yielded concrete, testable predictions from their basic meanings. In recent years, following developments in formal pragmatics, partial but promising attempts have been made to combine the strengths of both. With this goal as a focal point, the current chapter provides an overview of theoretical and empirical work on intonational meaning.

The Autosegmental-Metrical Theory of Intonational Phonology

The chapter outlines the basic principles of the autosegmental-metrical (AM) theory of intonational phonology. AM posits that at the phonological level intonation consists of a string of L(ow) and H(igh) tones (i.e. a string of tonal autosegments) that associate with metrical heads and phrasal boundaries. Phonetically, tones are realized as tonal targets, specific f0 points defined by their scaling and alignment; scaling refers to the pitch height of the tonal target, and alignment to the synchronization of the target with the segmental material that reflects its phonological association (typically stressed syllables and boundary-adjacent syllables). The chapter explains these essential tenets of AM in some detail and discusses how they differ from those of other models of intonation and what consequences these differences have for modelling and predicting the realization of pitch contours. The chapter presents the basics of phonological representation and phonetic modelling in AM, and briefly touches on intonational meaning and AM applications.

Information packaging correlates of semantic information structure categories

This paper presents an Information Structure (IS) model at the information packaging (IPk) level and its usage in utterance partitioning and in explaining semantic IS category realizations at the pragmatic level. The IPk model proposes a hierarchical view of F0 contours that transforms utterances into binary contrast unit (CU) hierarchies. CUs have binary IPk partitions with two independent and overlapping structures and a nuclear element which project its IPk functions to the whole units it belongs to. Two nuclear accent identification rules are formulated in this paper in order to be used in decoding IPk partition hierarchy by F0 contour analysis. In the second part of the paper several intonational contours of English sentences, having different semantic IS events, are interpreted by correlating semantic IS analysis results with those of the IPk model-based analysis. By decoding IPk structure and functional constituents from F0 contours we can advance our knowledge about the relationship between prosody and intonational meaning.

Additives pitching in: L*+H signals ordered Focus alternatives

Approaches to the meaning of intonational meaning differ in associatingeach subcomponent with a meaning that remains invariant across contours (e.g.Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg 1990) or treating a contour as contributing its meaningholistically (e.g. Goodhue et al. 2015). This paper argues for a common core ofthe L*+H pitch accent across two intonation contours, the Rise-Fall-Rise (RFR,e.g. Ward & Hirschberg 1985), and a novel contour coined the Downscale-Contour(DSC). Both contours are analyzed as indicating the presence of an alternative withrespect to a scale derived from the QUD, but differ in the relative strength of thisalternative, with the DSC indicating a weaker and the RFR a stronger one.

The Intonation and Pragmatics of Greek wh-Questions

We experimentally tested three hypotheses regarding the pragmatics of two tunes (one high-ending, one flat-ending) used with Greek wh-questions: (a) the high-ending tune is associated with information-seeking questions, while the flat-ending tune is also appropriate when wh-questions are not information-seeking, in which case their function can instead be akin to that of a statement; (b) the high-ending tune is more polite, and (c) more appropriate for contexts leading to information-seeking questions. The wh-questions used as experimental stimuli were elicited from four speakers in contexts likely to lead to either information-seeking or non-information-seeking uses. The speakers produced distinct tunes in response to the contexts; acoustic analysis indicates these are best analysed as L*+H L-!H% (rising), and L+H* L-L% (flat). In a perception experiment where participants heard the questions out of context, they chose answers providing information significantly more frequently after high-ending than flat-ending questions, confirming hypothesis (a). In a second experiment testing hypotheses (b) and (c), participants evaluated wh-questions for appropriateness and politeness in information- and non-information-seeking contexts. High-ending questions were rated more appropriate in information-seeking contexts, and more polite independently of context relative to their flat-ending counterparts. Finally, two follow-up experiments showed that the interpretation of the two tunes was not affected by voice characteristics of individual speakers, and confirmed a participant preference for the high-ending tune. Overall, the results support our hypotheses and lead to a compositional analysis of the meaning of the two tunes, while also showing that intonational meaning is determined by both tune and pragmatic context.

Same difference: the phonetic shape of High Rising Terminals in London

This article investigates patterns of variation in the phonetic shape of High Rising Terminal (HRT) intonation contours on declarative utterances in London English. Previous research has demonstrated that there are two pragmatically distinct meanings for HRTs in London, distributed across different groups of users and conversational contexts. Based on current theories of intonational meaning, we would expect this pragmatic differentiation to correlate with differences in tune shape, given the assumption that there is a one-to-one correspondence between a contour’s meaning and its phonological form. Following the example of prior studies of HRTs in other locations, analyses focus on three phonetic properties: rise excursion size, rise dynamism, and the alignment of the rise onset with the nuclear syllable. Unlike much previous research elsewhere, mixed-model regression analyses demonstrate that pragmatic differences in how HRTs are used in London do not correlate with differences in the phonetic characteristics under investigation. The discussion focuses on how to reconcile this result with theories of intonational meaning, arguing that the findings for London may be due to the relatively recent arrival of HRTs in the variety, and, as a result, the lack of a differentiated field of form–meaning correspondences for the contour in the region.

On some functions of salient initial accents in French talk-in-interaction: Intonational meaning and the interplay of prosodic, verbal and sequential properties of talk

The question of whether and how intonation patterns bear meanings is an old one, usually evaluated with reference to imagined or elicited speech. This study takes an interactional linguistic approach instead, examining intonation and meaning in naturally occurring interaction. The pattern considered here is a French intonation contour involving a salient initial accent and a low primary accent. This intonation pattern could be analysed as the so-calledaccent d'insistance, which is often said to have pragmatic meanings such as intensification and contrastive focus. This article analyses the uses of this contour in repeats. When used in repeats of an interlocutor's speech, the contour indicates unproblematic receipt of the repeated talk, making a confirming response optional, and contrasts with a final rise pattern used in repeats that initiate repair and request confirmation. However, in two other types of repetitions (self-repetition of a previously made assessment, and modified self-repetition for correction purposes), there is indeed interactional evidence supporting the argument that the contour helps convey the pragmatic meanings intensification and contrastive focus, respectively. It is argued that all of these meanings are achieved through the interplay of semiotic resources of several kinds (prosodic, verbal and sequential properties of talk), and that the contour itself has no inherent, context-independent meaning. The empirical findings presented suggest that the autonomy of intonation in the achievement of meaning has been overemphasised.

St’át'imcets intonation contours: a preliminary study

Acoustic research on the prosody and intonation of Northwest Coast languages has until recently been under-researched. This paper joins the growing body of research on the subject and reports on the results of the first study of intonation in St’át'imcets (Lillooet Salish; Northern Interior Salish). It tests the generalization proposed by Davis (2007) that information structure is not correlated with prosody in Salish languages by comparing the intonation contours of declaratives and yes/no questions. Specifically, I ask two questions: is nuclear accent rightmost? And are yes/no questions associated with higher pitch, as predicted by the Universality of Intonational Meaning? Results are comparable to those reported for other Salish languages, namely Koch (2008, 2011) on Nɬeʔkepmxcín, Jacobs (2007) on Skwxwú7mesh and Benner (2004, 2006) and Leonard (2011) on SENĆOŦEN. Nuclear accent is associated with the rightmost stressed vowel, regardless of focus, and while no speaker signals yes/no questions with a final rise, each has higher pitch within typologically common parameters.