Fearing the Other Side

Chapter 4 turns to the reasons why people may hide their political beliefs by looking at the reasons for CWG’s secrecy. This chapter addresses the sociological components of fear—including power and social and economic interdependence—that were at play in the women’s decision to keep their politics a secret. It outlines three types of fear in response to partisan hostility: social, economic, and physical. It recounts the women’s stories of actual retaliation within these categories, as well as the role of personal narrative in fueling fear and building camaraderie. This chapter provides evidence that intensifying polarization has made political identity a source of not only social persecution, but of economic and physical persecution as well.

Economic interdependence: A deterrent to Sino-American armed conflict

<p>This thesis is devoted to examine the impact of economic interdependence on the interstate relations between the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China. Specifically, all three propositions emerging from the ongoing controversy over the economics-security nexus inclusive of “economic interdependence increases conflict”, “economic interdependence decreases conflict” and “economic interdependence is irrelevant to conflict” shall be tested in an empirical analysis of Sino-American relationship. Three significant findings have emerged. Firstly, strong economic ties have actually caused tensions between Washington and Beijing. However, these issues of great disputes are not strong enough to turn into a Sino-American war because both countries have gained tremendous benefits from their strong economic ties and are not willing to destroy the economic ties that lock them together. Secondly, it is undeniable that economic interdependence has greatly promoted peace and stability between Washington and Beijing. However, there are three grounds for skepticism. To begin with, leaders always put security concerns over the prospects for economic loss, especially in times of insecurity and vulnerability. Furthermore, it is not yet certain that the linkages between the two sides in different areas can guarantee peace between the two countries. Also, there is a little historical evidence to believe that economic interdependence alone can bring lasting stability in the international order. Thirdly, the third proposition "economic interdependence is irrelevant to conflict” perfectly fits the Sino-American relationship. To start with, Washington and Beijing have used trade to maximize their national power not to suppress conflict. In addition, we should not limit the future of Sino-American relationship to the discussion of economic factors. Both sides have kept their relationship relatively stable not only because of strong economic ties but also other factors such as: the emergence of non-traditional threats and the mutual possession of nuclear weapons.</p>

Economic interdependence: A deterrent to Sino-American armed conflict

<p>This thesis is devoted to examine the impact of economic interdependence on the interstate relations between the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China. Specifically, all three propositions emerging from the ongoing controversy over the economics-security nexus inclusive of “economic interdependence increases conflict”, “economic interdependence decreases conflict” and “economic interdependence is irrelevant to conflict” shall be tested in an empirical analysis of Sino-American relationship. Three significant findings have emerged. Firstly, strong economic ties have actually caused tensions between Washington and Beijing. However, these issues of great disputes are not strong enough to turn into a Sino-American war because both countries have gained tremendous benefits from their strong economic ties and are not willing to destroy the economic ties that lock them together. Secondly, it is undeniable that economic interdependence has greatly promoted peace and stability between Washington and Beijing. However, there are three grounds for skepticism. To begin with, leaders always put security concerns over the prospects for economic loss, especially in times of insecurity and vulnerability. Furthermore, it is not yet certain that the linkages between the two sides in different areas can guarantee peace between the two countries. Also, there is a little historical evidence to believe that economic interdependence alone can bring lasting stability in the international order. Thirdly, the third proposition "economic interdependence is irrelevant to conflict” perfectly fits the Sino-American relationship. To start with, Washington and Beijing have used trade to maximize their national power not to suppress conflict. In addition, we should not limit the future of Sino-American relationship to the discussion of economic factors. Both sides have kept their relationship relatively stable not only because of strong economic ties but also other factors such as: the emergence of non-traditional threats and the mutual possession of nuclear weapons.</p>

Cross-Strait Economic Interdependence and the Prospects for Peace between Mainland China and Taiwan

<p>The further development of economic globalisation causes the status and effect of economic factors to continuously increase in international relations. This new characteristic is increasingly apparent in cross-strait relations as the course of the reform and opening-up in mainland China, as well as the development of cross-strait economy and trade. Particularly since the mainland and Taiwan signed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) in 2010, economic development has become one of the most important issues between the two sides. Since the détente between the mainland and Taiwan in the 1980s, cross-strait economics and trade have displayed two primary characteristics. First, the volume of trade, the amount of investment, and especially the economic interdependency between the two sides are all constantly increasing. Second, although under the influence of fluctuating political relations, the cross-strait economic relationship is still maintaining a stable development tendency. Due to the impact of economic globalisation, both the mainland and Taiwan are re-examining their own economic interests and have realized that economic relations form the cornerstone of their relationship. The expanding common interest which is generated from the deepening cross-strait economic exchanges between the mainland and Taiwan is becoming the key factor in both governments’ political considerations. Cross-strait economic and trade development is thus becoming an interests mechanism which maintains the framework of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. This thesis argues that cross-strait economic interdependence and cross-strait relations are inherently and interactively related. From the viewpoint of Neoliberalist Theory and Interdependent Theory, and on the basis of the development course of cross-strait economy and trade, this article analyzes the interactive effect between the cross-strait economy and cross-strait relations, especially the political relations from many factors such as the signing of ECFA, the impact of Taiwanese businessmen’s investment in the mainland, and the mainland's Taiwan policy. This thesis concludes that on the one hand, the increase in cross-strait economic interdependence will promote peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. On the other hand, stable cross-strait relations will also provide a policy guarantee and a peaceful scope for the future development of the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan.</p>

Cross-Strait Economic Interdependence and the Prospects for Peace between Mainland China and Taiwan

<p>The further development of economic globalisation causes the status and effect of economic factors to continuously increase in international relations. This new characteristic is increasingly apparent in cross-strait relations as the course of the reform and opening-up in mainland China, as well as the development of cross-strait economy and trade. Particularly since the mainland and Taiwan signed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) in 2010, economic development has become one of the most important issues between the two sides. Since the détente between the mainland and Taiwan in the 1980s, cross-strait economics and trade have displayed two primary characteristics. First, the volume of trade, the amount of investment, and especially the economic interdependency between the two sides are all constantly increasing. Second, although under the influence of fluctuating political relations, the cross-strait economic relationship is still maintaining a stable development tendency. Due to the impact of economic globalisation, both the mainland and Taiwan are re-examining their own economic interests and have realized that economic relations form the cornerstone of their relationship. The expanding common interest which is generated from the deepening cross-strait economic exchanges between the mainland and Taiwan is becoming the key factor in both governments’ political considerations. Cross-strait economic and trade development is thus becoming an interests mechanism which maintains the framework of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. This thesis argues that cross-strait economic interdependence and cross-strait relations are inherently and interactively related. From the viewpoint of Neoliberalist Theory and Interdependent Theory, and on the basis of the development course of cross-strait economy and trade, this article analyzes the interactive effect between the cross-strait economy and cross-strait relations, especially the political relations from many factors such as the signing of ECFA, the impact of Taiwanese businessmen’s investment in the mainland, and the mainland's Taiwan policy. This thesis concludes that on the one hand, the increase in cross-strait economic interdependence will promote peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. On the other hand, stable cross-strait relations will also provide a policy guarantee and a peaceful scope for the future development of the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan.</p>

Economic Interdependence Since COVID-19: China and South Asia

In the backdrop of COVID-19-induced geo-political backlash against China, the article makes an assessment of the nature of economic interdependence of South Asian nations with China. Though COVID-19-induced lockdown led to a decline in trade with China, it recovered quickly in subsequent months. In the case of India, even after imposing restrictive measures, trade with China was found to bounce back indicating to a greater dependence on China. Further, asymmetry in economic engagement with China could be observed for several of the South Asian nations. Chinese investment in the region remained muted during the pandemic. However, strategic involvement in South Asia by China, and other powers, increased considerably which has been manifested by her provisioning of economic incentives and COVID-19-related aid. In the light of increasing strategic influence, South Asian countries desirous of benefitting from foreign trade and investment in their respective economies will need to encourage free and fair competition rather than towing geo-political lines so that sustainable economic gains can be made, which will require strengthening of various market supporting institutions in the respective economies. India’s economic strategy will also assume significance in boosting confidence and increasing the level of integration within South Asia.

Foreign economic policy in the European Parliament and economic interdependence with foreign powers

What is the role of economic interdependence with foreign powers when legislators vote on foreign policies? Foreign aid and trade are among the European Union’s most important foreign policy instruments, over which the European Parliament has veto power. Yet, few studies address foreign economic policy voting in European Parliament scholarship. This study presents a new theoretical model about economic interdependence and foreign policy positioning in the European Parliament. I argue that economic interdependence with major foreign powers is associated with legislators’ foreign policy positions. Analysing European Parliament votes concerning aid and trade with Ukraine, I show a statistical association between Members of the European Parliaments with high levels of Russian Foreign Direct Investment in their electoral districts and voting against aid and trade with Ukraine (supporting the pro-Russian policy). These findings offer new insights on Members of the European Parliaments’ position-taking in foreign economic policy decisions that have global economic and political ramifications.

America’s Failing Trade War With China: A Focus on Fentanyl

As this article will explain in detail, much of the fentanyl reaching the hands of Americans comes from The People’s Republic of China (“China”). However, as seen by the rise in overdoses, most efforts to control the invasion of fentanyl have been unsuccessful. Although the federal and state governments have attempted to curtail this crisis by imposing sanctions and urging China to regulate production and shipping of the substance, fentanyl continues to flood the streets of the U.S. Moreover, the economic interdependence between the two nations complicates the matter. Because of this interdependence, the U.S. must take control of the situation. The U.S. fentanyl problem will persist if Americans are not dissuaded from using the drug. We must focus on the demand, rather than the supply. This comment focuses on the rise of opioids and synthetic pain relievers, and the variety of attempts at decreasing the number of addicts and overdoses. Initially, the comment will discuss the history of the popular drug opium, opiates, and prescription opioids, discussing state and federal attempts at curbing the crisis that the U.S. faces. It will address the rise of synthetic opioids, such as fentanyl, and how and why it was created. Section two will discuss how fentanyl and its precursors are imported into the U.S. from China. Section three will discuss U.S. federal and state attempts at legislation to control the flow of fentanyl into the U.S. Section four will address the implications, or perhaps fuel to the fire, that the influx in the supply of fentanyl from China has had on trade relations, and how the trade linkage between the two nations obfuscates the situation. The comment will conclude by hypothesizing how the U.S. and China will recalibrate their relationship and recommend that to combat the fentanyl emergency, the U.S. needs to take steps to offer Americans with drug addictions the assistance they need.