civic discourse
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2021 ◽  
pp. 152747642110228
Author(s):  
Emily Burkhardt ◽  
Verity Trott ◽  
Whitney Monaghan

In this paper, we seek to understand how shipping and anti-fan practices intersect to create meaningful audience engagement and civic discourse about contemporary social and political issues in the “politics of viewing” CW’s adaptation of Riverdale. By examining tagged posts from January 3, 2017 to June 26, 2019, we elicit how fan-rhetoric operates in a digitally networked environment and interrogate the intra-fan rivalries between shippers, anti-shippers, and anti-fans that underpin the Riverdale fandom on Tumblr. In doing so, we begin to sketch out a taxonomy of shipping-specific anti-fan practices, extending Gray’s work into different types and modes of anti-fandom to consider the role shipping plays within consumption practices, fandom stratification, and the production of civic discourse online.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-160
Author(s):  
Robert Flierman ◽  
Megan Welton
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Kaka ◽  
Joshua Littenberg-Tobias ◽  
Taylor Kessner ◽  
Anthony Tuf Francis ◽  
Katrina Kennett ◽  
...  

The public schoolhouse is one of the few remaining public spaces in which citizens may routinely gather to discuss controversial issues. Furthermore, it is social studies classrooms and teachers, in particular, that bear the moral imperative to ensure such civic discourse takes place. Nevertheless, many social studies teachers refrain from centering such discussions in their classrooms, often for fear of reprisal should these discussions go awry. It thus falls to social studies teacher educators to rethink how we prepare future teachers. This paper reports on a study that incorporated digital simulations of controversial issues into three preservice social studies teacher preparation methods courses to help develop high-leverage practices associated with leading whole-group discussions. Case study analysis suggests participants developed greater fluency with the teacher moves they practiced in the simulation. Accordingly, participants’ developed greater confidence with and perceived importance of facilitating discussions of controversial issues in their future classrooms. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 153568412199347
Author(s):  
José W. Meléndez ◽  
Maria Martinez-Cosio

Participatory planning has faced challenges engaging predominantly Spanish-speaking immigrants beyond the bottom rungs of Arnstein’s ladder of citizen participation. Participating at any level of the ladder requires individual civic skills, or capacities, that are integral to participatory processes. However, the specific skills necessary for collective action are less certain, due in part to a lack of clear definitions and a lack of clarity about how these capacities work in practice. Drawing on two years of data from a participatory budgeting process in an immigrant community in Chicago, Illinois, the authors identify key civic capacities that Spanish-speaking immigrants activated while engaging in civic discourse, and they explore the role these capacities played in moving ideas toward collective decision making. The authors present an organizational schema that aligns the study’s findings of 17 unique civic capacities with capacities identified in the literature as helping participants engage more meaningfully in decision-making processes.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristof Van den Troost

PurposeThis article explores recent changes in Hong Kong’s independent documentary filmmaking during a decade of escalating protests in the territory, focusing in particular on cinema's role in Hong Kong's “movement field.”Design/methodology/approachThe article focuses on Ying E Chi, an important distributor and promoter of Hong Kong independent films; the annual Hong Kong Independent Film Festival it organizes; three recent documentaries it distributes that are relevant to the 2019–2020 protests. The findings in this article are based on interviews, the textual analysis of relevant films and participant observation at film screenings.FindingsThis study argues that independent documentaries function in Hong Kong's “movement field” in three main ways: by contributing to and providing a space for civic discourse, by facilitating international advocacy and by engaging in memory work. Its contributions to civic culture, it asserts, are reflected in the films' observational aesthetic, which invites reflection and discussion. Public screenings and lengthy post-screening discussions are important ways in which these functions are realized.Originality/valueThis article builds on existing literature to propose a new way of thinking about cinema's role in Hong Kong social movements. It also analyses three important recent films that have not yet been covered much in existing academic literature.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019372352096497
Author(s):  
Harry H. Hiller

An analysis of the Calgary 2026 Olympic bid plebiscite/referendum held in 2018 adds a new perspective to the literature on bidding by shifting from the cognitive/organizational elements of the bid to the emotive dynamics within the bid city conceptualized as affective urbanism. The socioeconomic and political context and the binary nature of the plebiscite question provide the framework to explain the negative vote. Using the civic discourse of local residents as data for the study, the public emotions created by confusion, fear, and anger are identified, which resulted in two opposing but competitive affective voting options: affirming affectivity and aversive affectivity. A binary reversal made a negative vote into an instrument of power and a positive affirmation of the city’s future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 770-809
Author(s):  
Narendra Subramanian

AbstractThe paper explores mobilization to reduce the deepest inequalities in the two largest democracies, those along caste lines in India and racial lines in the United States. I compare how the groups at the bottom of these ethnic hierarchies—India's former untouchable castes (Dalits) and African Americans—mobilized from the 1940s to the 1970s in pursuit of full citizenship: the franchise, representation, civil rights, and social rights. Experiences in two regions of historically high inequality (the Kaveri and Mississippi Deltas) are compared in their national contexts. Similarities in demographic patterns, group boundaries, socioeconomic relations, regimes, and enfranchisement timing facilitate comparison. Important differences in nationalist and civic discourse, official and popular social classification, and stratification patterns influenced the two groups’ mobilizations, enfranchisement, representation, alliances, and relationships with political parties. The nation was imagined to clearly include Dalits earlier in India than to encompass African Americans in the United States. Race was the primary and bipolar official and popular identity axis in the United States, unlike caste in India. African Americans responded by emphasizing racial discourses while Dalit mobilizations foregrounded more porously bordered community visions. These different circumstances enabled more widespread African American mobilization, but offered Dalits more favorable interethnic alliances, party incorporation, and policy accommodation, particularly in historically highly unequal regions. Therefore, group representation and policy benefits increased sooner and more in India than in the United States, especially in regions of historically high group inequality such as the Kaveri and other major river Deltas relative to the Deep South, including Mississippi.


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