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2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Henderson ◽  
Alexander Hertel-Fernandez ◽  
Matto Mildenberger ◽  
Leah C. Stokes

Congress hears more and more from everyday citizens. How do modern Congressional offices use this information to represent their constituents? Drawing on original interviews and a survey of Congressional staff, we explore how representation works in practice when new data and tools, such as databases and downscaled public opinion polls, are available. In contrast with established theories that focus on responsiveness, we show that representation is a two-way street. Congressional offices both respond to incoming constituent opinion and reach out to elicit opinions from stakeholders. Offices record correspondence into databases, identifying the most salient issues and the balance of opinion among correspondents. They tend not to use polls on policy. To understand the opinions of electorally influential constituencies, staffers also proactively reach out to stakeholders and experts in a practice we call provoked petitioning. If the Washington pressure system is a chorus, Congressional staff often serve as conductors, allowing well-resourced and organized constituents, including interest groups, to sing with the loudest voices. While Congress has some new tools and strategies for representation, its modern practices still reinforce existing biases.


Author(s):  
E.C. Long ◽  
R.L. Smith ◽  
J.T. Scott ◽  
B. Gay ◽  
C. Giray ◽  
...  

Background: There is growing interest in and recognition of the need to use scientific evidence to inform policymaking. However, many of the existing studies on the use of research evidence (URE) have been largely qualitative, and the majority of existing quantitative measures are underdeveloped or were tested in regional or context-dependent settings. We are unaware of any quantitative measures of URE with national policymakers in the US.Aims and objectives: Explore how to measure URE quantitatively by validating a measure of congressional staff’s attitudes and behaviors regarding URE, the Legislative Use of Research Survey (LURS), and by discussing the lessons learned through administering the survey.Methods: A 68-item survey was administered to 80 congressional staff to measure their reported research use, value of research, interactions with researchers, general information sources, and research information sources. Confirmatory factor analyses were conducted on each of these five scales. We then trimmed the number of items, based on a combination of poor factor loadings and theoretical rationale, and ran the analyses on the trimmed subscales.Findings: We substantially improved our model fits for each scale over the original models and all items had acceptable factor loadings with our trimmed 35-item survey. We also describe the unique set of challenges and lessons learned from surveying congressional staff.Discussion and conclusions: This work contributes to the transdisciplinary field of URE by offering a tool for studying the mechanisms that can bridge research and policy and shedding light into best practices for measuring URE with national policymakers in the US.<br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>Demonstrates structural validity of a quantitative measure of policymakers’ use of research evidence;</li><br /><li>Includes scales that assess mechanisms for bridging research and policy;</li><br /><li>Illustrates the potential for applying rigorous measurement designs with congressional staff;</li><br /><li>Discusses specific lessons that can inform successful measurement in the future.</li></ul>


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 720-721
Author(s):  
Brian Lindberg

Abstract This session will provide updates on major federal efforts to address elder abuse, neglect, and exploitation, including strategies for prevention, intervention, services, and prosecution. Congress has been working on both reauthorizing the Elder Justice Act and policies to address poor long-term care facility quality issues, and this panel will provide an update on those efforts and what lies ahead in2021. The panel will include elder justice and nursing home advocates and congressional staff.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 551-551
Author(s):  
Catherine Carrico ◽  
Katherine Bennett

Abstract The National Association for Geriatric Education (NAGE) has maintained consistent education and advocacy efforts since 2006. In recent years NAGE has implemented formal and grassroots advocacy strategies. At the federal level NAGE has increased collaboration with other aging advocacy organizations and coalitions. At the request of Congress, NAGE leadership and stakeholders have testified before Congress and regularly submit testimony to the House and Senate. NAGE staff maintain strong working relationships with congressional staff. Strategies for effective grassroots education and advocacy have been taught to members, and membership has mobilized to educate elected officials about the essential work of the Geriatric Workforce Enhancement Programs across the country. This presentation will provide a thorough review of NAGE’s advocacy work over the past 4 years.


2019 ◽  
Vol 114 (1) ◽  
pp. 270-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL E. SHEPHERD ◽  
HYE YOUNG YOU

Although the majority of research on revolving-door lobbyists centers on the influence they exercise during their postgovernment careers, relatively little attention is given to whether future career concerns affect the behaviors of revolving-door lobbyists while they still work in government. We argue that the revolving-door incentivizes congressional staffers to showcase their legislative skills to the lobbying market in ways that affect policymaking in Congress. Using comprehensive data on congressional staffers, we find that employing staffers who later become lobbyists is associated with higher legislative productivity for members of Congress, especially in staffers’ final terms in Congress. It also is associated with increases in a member’s bill sponsorship in the areas of health and commerce, the topics most frequently addressed by clients in the lobbying industry, as well as granting more access to lobbying firms. These results provide the systematic empirical evidence of pre-exit effects of the revolving-door among congressional staff.


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