Who Gets What, When, and How from Chinese Social Health Insurance Expansion?

Chapter 7 examines the stratification of Chinese social health insurance in the first decade of the 2000s. Based on analyses of administration data and national social survey data, it examines the variations in social welfare benefits across social strata, addressing who got what, when, and how as a result of China’s social health insurance expansion between the years of 2003 and 2011. It shows that social health insurance expansion did significantly broaden Chinese citizens’ access to basic health care. However, the expansion not only reinforced existing social divisions but also generated new ones within both urban and rural groups. Chinese social health insurance is highly stratified along three cleavage lines among recipients: (1) urban versus rural; (2) labor market insiders versus outsiders; and (3) public versus private sectors. These multiple social cleavages are interwoven to fragment society and privilege elite groups over others without fracturing society along a single and deep class line.

Dimeric Transmembrane Orientations of APP/C99 Regulate γ-Secretase Processing Line Impacting Signaling and Oligomerization

Amyloid precursor protein (APP) cleavage by the β secretase produces the C99 transmembrane (TM) protein, which contains three dimerization-inducing Gly-x-x-x-Gly motifs. We demonstrate that dimeric C99 TM orientations regulate the precise cleavage lines by γ-secretase. Of all possible dimeric orientations imposed by a coiled coil to the C99 TM-cytosolic domain, the dimer (cc-del7) containing 33Gly-x-x-x-Gly37 in the interface promoted Aβ42 processing line and AICD (APP Intracellular Domain)-dependent gene transcription, including BACE1 mRNA induction, enhancing amyloidogenic signaling. Another orientation exhibiting 25Gly-x-x-x-Gly29 in the interface (cc-del6) favored processing to Aβ43/40, induced significantly less gene transcription, while promoting formation of SDS-resistant “Aβ-like” oligomers, reminiscent of Aβ peptide oligomers. These required both Val24 of a pro-β motif and the 25Gly-x-x-x-Gly29 interface. Thus, crossing angles imposed by dimeric orientations give access to γ-secretase at Aβ48 or Aβ49, linking the former to enhanced signaling and Aβ42. We discuss avenues of blocking amyloidogenic processing.

Hungary

The core features of coalition politics in Hungary are majority coalitions and stable governments. A small number of parliamentary parties are strongly divided both on cultural and economic cleavage lines. This does not offer much flexibility in coalition formation. Before 2010 coalitions were controlled by alternating senior parties of either conservative or left orientation, thereafter coalitions have been characterized by one-party conservative dominance. The coalitions of the left were based on more equal partnership, deeper policy consciousness, and more established party organization than the conservative coalitions. Hungary has developed in to a case of prime ministerial government built on constitutional, legal, political, and occasionally personal grounds. Secured by the constructive no-confidence vote, enjoying authority in the nomination and dismissal of ministers, being party leader, and not facing strong political rivals or institutional veto points, most prime ministers have enjoyed unquestionable power. Over the decades, governance has become increasingly centralized and politicized. The management of coalition conflicts has moved away from Parliament and cabinet to narrow circles of party political or personal nominees. Publicly available coalition agreements, with few exceptions, have not been policy-oriented and have not provided much guidance on coalition governance or conflict resolution techniques. Still, disciplined legislative and parliamentary behaviour has been common and early elections have never taken place. Government termination has rarely occurred due to policy conflicts between the coalition partners. Junior coalition parties have paid huge electoral costs for their participation in government.

The Double Task: Nation- and State-Building in Timor-Leste

Timor-Leste has been facing the arduous task of building a viable nation-state since the country's 2002 restoration of independence. The dual challenge consists of interdependent efforts at nation-building and state-building. The author discusses both terms with regard to their relevance to public education and economic development. He raises the question of why nation-building and state-building experience rather contrary prioritisations in these functionally close policy fields. In the educational sector, government activities demonstrate Fretilin's orientation towards Portuguese-speaking countries. The introduction of Portuguese as an official language has accentuated existing lingual and generational cleavage lines. Economic policy in Timor-Leste, however, tends to be more pragmatic and less ideological. The article aims to make an innovative contribution to the interrelationship of nation-building and economic development by addressing important issues on the agenda such as the exploitation of oil, agriculture, tourism, the economic dependency on the former oppressor Indonesia, and foreign aid. The author argues that economic growth will eventually shape the future format of the East Timorese nation as either a new self-confident political player or a withdrawn peasant nation.