Internal motivations and formal approaches

This chapter argues that, while the creation of indefinites from generic nouns is grammaticalization in the form of upwards reanalysis from N to R, the quantifier and free-choice cycles do not in fact constitute instances of grammaticalization. Indefinites restricted to stronger negative-polarity contexts are not more functional than indefinites licensed in weaker negative-polarity contexts. Rather, it is argued that implicational semantic features requiring roofing by different types of operators situated in the Q head of indefinites, and in particular the way they are acquired in first language acquisition, are responsible for the diachronic developments. Negative concord items arise through an acquisitional mechanism maximizing the number of agreement relations in the acquired grammar consistent with the primary linguistic data.

Empirical generalizations

This chapter shows that, across languages, indefinites show a tendency to become increasingly restricted to ever-stronger negative polarity contexts, eventually becoming restricted to the scope of negation and beginning to enter negative-concord relations. It is shown that developments affecting indefinites can be grouped into two types of development: a quantifier cycle and a free-choice cycle. In the former, indefinites gradually change from (more) positive to (more) negative, in the latter, original free-choice indefinites become NPI-indefinites. It is also shown that negative quantifiers do not typically arise through either development, but through univerbation with a former negative particle. Apparently countercyclic developments can be observed as well. The chapter concludes with an overview of the typology of negative concord, and the diachronic connections between the types of negative concord.

External motivations for Jespersen’s cycle

This chapter turns to external motivations for Jespersen’s cycle. Given the apparent diffusion pattern of the development in northwestern Europe observed in chapter 2, the current chapter considers the question of whether Jespersen’s cycle was a single innovation that spread through language contact, or whether there were several separate instances of Jespersen’s cycle in the languages of Europe and the Mediterranean. The timing of the changes in the different languages are mapped to the socio-historical situations, leading to the conclusion that in northwestern Europe at least, the trigger of Jespersen’s cycle was much less frequently contact-induced than previously thought. An in-depth case study of three Afro-Asiatic languages in North Africa, however, shows that language contact can lead to the diffusion of Jespersen’s cycle across a wide area. Furthermore, the stability of the transitional stage II may be related to the type of contact situation.

Empirical generalizations

Looking at the changes in the expression of sentential negation in various languages of Europe and the Mediterranean, this chapter presents empirical generalizations about Jespersen’s cycle. The focus lies on incipient Jespersen’s cycle—that is, the factors contributing to the emergence and generalization of new items that have the potential to successfully become new standard expressions of negation. The chapter rejects a teleological view of Jespersen’s cycle and therefore broadens the empirical base by also looking at languages in which there are linguistic elements that seem to fulfil at least some criteria of successful new negative markers, but which nevertheless never reach the next expected step in the development. It furthermore highlights two topics rarely discussed in the literature on Jespersen’s cycle: the comparative speed of the development in different languages and the fate of the original negators after the end of cycle.

Conclusion

This chapter summarizes the volume. It provides a bird's-eye view on the diachronic changes and the accounts developed in the volume. The different strands of research, empirical observations, internal and external motivations for them, and the theoretical accounts are drawn together in a single overview. Furthermore, the chapter offers an outlook beyond the scope of the volume and sketches further lines of research.

External motivations for change in indefinite systems

This chapter turns to external motivations for changes in the licensing conditions of indefinites and in their series formation. It is shown by means of selected examples that language contact is not so much responsible for triggering the quantifier or free-choice cycles, but rather that the distribution of individual indefinites as well as of entire series may be influenced by patterns in contact languages. This may lead for instance to the imposition of negative concord, or the restructuring of an entire indefinite system after the model of a contact language. The chapter furthermore addresses the role of variation within the diasystem of one language for the advancement of changes affecting indefinites in the scope of negation.

Internal motivations and formal approaches

This chapter focuses on the language-internal motivations for the processes observed in chapter 2, in particular, the change from negative polarity adverb to negator. The chapter discusses what motivates the actuation of a new postverbal marker or negative quantifier, what obstacles need to be overcome in order to complete this process, and what processes lie behind the loss or exaptation of the original negation markers after such a development. It is argued that both functional and formal factors play a role in explaining the diachronic development of markers of negation in Jespersen’s cycle. In particular, a negation phrase (NegP)-free account making use of economy principles (Minimize Structure and Feature Economy) is proposed to capture the typological and diachronic variation of negative markers.

Introduction

This chapter first situates the work against the background of the existing literature. It further introduces the key concepts and terminology used in the volume. After an explanation of the difference between standard negation and sentential negation, the cyclical changes affecting the expression of negation, as well as the typical types of interaction between indefinites and the expression of negation are introduced. Finally, the theoretical framework used in the volume is sketched. As the chapter considers both language-internal motivations for the changes affecting negative expressions and indefinites in the scope of negation, and language-external ones, the theoretical background for both are discussed in separate sections.