The Ur III, Old Babylonian, and Kassite Empires

Author(s):  
Marlies Heinz
Keyword(s):  
Ur Iii ◽  
Iraq ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 80 ◽  
pp. 15-34
Author(s):  
Sergio Alivernini

This paper studies mathematical aspects of earthwork projects in the Ur III city of Umma, c.2053–2032 b.c. The main purpose of this paper is to describe the practical procedures involved in moving earth for hydraulic works around Umma. It also shows how Old Babylonian pedagogical “mathematical texts” about earthworks, from the early second millennium b.c., are indebted to the practical procedures adopted by Ur III officials.


Iraq ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 237-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Horowitz ◽  
W. G. Lambert

In the early 1980s a group of cuneiform tablets formerly in the collection of Sir Henry Wellcome housed at the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum arrived at the Birmingham City Museum and Art Gallery. The majority of these tablets were Ur III administrative texts that were published in Birmingham Cuneiform Tablets I–II. Other tablets in the collection included Old Akkadian, Old Babylonian and Late Babylonian documents, a Shulgi plaque, clay cones, inscribed bricks, a small group of astronomical texts, and a few unidentified miscellaneous tablets and fragments. One of these unidentified fragments turned out to be a hitherto unknown exemplar of Ludlul Bēl Nēmeqi Tablet I, and is the occasion of the current study.


Iraq ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 131-145
Author(s):  
Magnus Widell

In 1968, the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary translated the Old Babylonian term aširtu, which in the OB period corresponded to the Sumerian expression igi-kar2, as “an offering of a pious gift to the gods”. In texts from the preceding Ur III period, however, the expression igi-kar2 has usually been associated with the expression gurum2 (written IGI.GAR) and translated “inspection”. In 1982, Piotr Steinkeller demonstrated, in a short article published in ASJ, that igi-kar2 and gurum2 refer to two separate words. He showed that the compound verb igi…kar2 denoted “to examine” in both the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods. For the compound noun igi-kar2 in the Ur III period, Steinkeller referred to the Umma text TJAMC IES 126, where the expression appears together with the institution an-za3-gar3, which — in accordance with its Akkadian equivalence dimtum — has been understood as “some type of fortified building”. This connection led Steinkeller to propose the meaning “provisions, supplies” for igi-kar2 in the Ur III period, seemingly more appropriate for a delivery to the military structure of an-za(3)-gar3.


Iraq ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 79-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Stone

Mesopotamian history tends to be phrased in terms of stages: Early Dynastic city-states replaced by imperial Akkad, bureaucratic Ur III replaced by the more individualistic Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian periods thanks to the influence of the Amorites, etc. Lost in this process is a sense of the longue durée of Mesopotamian civilization, the basic and largely unchanging aspects of its society, economy and politics. In this paper I will explore one of these transitions, that between Ur III and Isin-Larsa/Old Babylonian times, by examining the nexus between the cuneiform and archaeological records.My aim is to explore the circumstances that resulted in the unearthing of the textual record upon which our understanding of the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods is based. Where did these tablets come from and what were the circumstances that both led to their preservation and allowed them to be recovered so that we could read them? To answer these questions, it will be necessary to look at the interconnections between the survey data, excavated data and the written record.The broad sweep of settlement and abandonment provided by the survey data collected and analysed by Adams and his students and colleagues (Adams 1965, 1972, 1981, Adams and Nissen 1972, Gibson 1972, Wright 1981) has a direct impact on our understanding of the archaeological contexts of the cuneiform texts. Sites are subject to forces of erosion so that periods of abandonment — even if temporary relative to Mesopotamia's four-thousand-year history — still selectively remove parts of the archaeological record. Since all texts derive from archaeological contexts they are by no means immune. Indeed unbaked clay tablets are some of the most fragile of the artifacts recovered from Mesopotamian sites, only surviving to the present when buried rapidly at the outset and remaining so until uncovered by the spade of the archaeologist or, more often unfortunately, the looter. Then there is also the issue of accessibility. In most instances both archaeologists and looters dig from the top of a site down, and generally not that far down. Thus most of our data, both archaeological and textual, derive from those levels closest to the exposed surfaces of archaeological sites.


Iraq ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 127-136
Author(s):  
Jon Taylor

The remains of the Percy J. Wiseman collection of cuneiform tablets were acquired in 2010 by the British Museum, where they now form the 2010-6-022 collection. The tablets almost all originate from southern Iraq, including the sites of Drehem, Larsa, Nippur, Sippar and Umma. They constitute records from the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods (21st–17th century B.C.) and from the Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid periods (6th–4th century B.C.). This article provides an overview of the collection and makes the texts available for further study.


Iraq ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 189-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Robson ◽  
G. Zólyomi

We present editions of five cuneiform tablets in the collection of Norwich Castle Museum and two held by Cambridge University Library. The Norwich tablets comprise three tablets from the well-known “Mesag archive” or “Umma C” from the Sargonic period; one small tablet from Ur III Umma; and a fragment of an unprovenanced Old Babylonian account. Those in Cambridge are both from Ur III Girsu: a wool receipt and part of a balanced labour account.


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