The Discursive Construction of the 1978-1979 Iranian Revolution in the Speeches of Ayatollah Khomeini

2011 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shadi Gholizadeh ◽  
Derek W. Hook
Keyword(s):  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
Ayatollah Khomeini

Revolutionary Posturing: Iranian Writers and the Iranian Revolution of 1979

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak
Keyword(s):  
Intention To Leave ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
14Th Century ◽  
Binary Oppositions ◽  
Ayatollah Khomeini ◽  
Abstract Language ◽  
Single Idea

During those eventful days of early January 1979, after Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran had finally announced his intention to leave the country and the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khomeini had made his return from exile contingent on the shah's departure, a hemistitch by Hafez, the 14th-century Persian poet, suddenly appeared next to an array of revolutionary slogans on display in the streets of Tehran: “Div cho birun ravad fereshteh dar āyad” (When the demon departs, the angel shall arrive). The basic binary oppositions of demon/angel and departure/arrival fit the realities of the situation the country had found itself in; a perfect correspondence had been made between the simple, single idea enshrined in the abstract language of a medieval poetic phrase and the intricate political posturing involved in a modern-day revolution in the making. Furthermore, the stark discourse of antagonism underlying the opposition had become as absolute, as uncompromising as the idea of a total revolution.

Faded networks: the overestimated Saudi Legacy of anti-Shi‘i sectarianism in Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 703-715
Author(s):  
Simon Wolfgang Fuchs
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
Political Idea ◽  
Ayatollah Khomeini ◽  
Sunni Islam ◽  
The Mind

This article questions the often-assumed centrality of Saudi Arabia for the development of anti-Shi‘i sectarianism in Pakistan. I argue that those groups and individuals who have been most vocal about the Shi‘i ‘threat’ since the 1980s lacked (and continue to lack) any strong lineages with the Kingdom. Instead, their local polemics in Urdu foregrounded Pakistan as a political idea and global promise for Islam. This status of Pakistan’s self-view was acutely threatened by the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the subsequent establishment of a religious state under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini. Consequently, Pakistani sectarian scholars transcended earlier Salafi-inspired arguments and tried to render Sunni Islam ‘fit’ to compete with powerful Shi‘i symbols. In doing so, they displayed a remarkable willingness to appropriate and rework Shi‘i concepts, something that is far from the mind of Saudi clerics.

Conversation with a Revolutionary

2002 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-32
Author(s):  
M. Reza Ghods ◽  
Thomas W. Foster
Keyword(s):  
Ohio State University ◽  
Personal Relationship ◽  
Pivotal Role ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
State University ◽  
American Universities ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Ayatollah Khomeini

Dr. Ebrahim Yazdi, who played a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution of 1979, and who is today a leading figure among Iran’s liberal political dissidents, visited the US in early November 2000 and spoke at several American universities, including Ohio State University. During his visit, we hosted a small reception for Dr. Yazdi at a home in central Ohio and had the opportunity of engaging him in an extended conversation about the events of the revolution, his personal relationship with the Ayatollah Khomeini, his views on the current political situation in Iran, and his thoughts on the future of Iran’s relationship with the US.

The Role of Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr in Shiʿi Political Activism in Iraq from 1958 to 1980

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. M. Aziz
Keyword(s):  
Political Activism ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
The West ◽  
Ayatollah Khomeini ◽  
The Revolution

On 8 April 1980, Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr was executed. His execution arousedno criticism from the West against the Iraqi regime, however, because Sadr had openly supported the Ayatollah Khomeini's regime in Iran and because the West was distracted by the turbulence in Iran that followed the revolution. Governments both in the West and in the region were concerned that the Iranian revolution would be “exported,” and they set about eliminating that threat. When Ayatollah Khomeini called upon Muslims in Iraq to follow the example of the Iranian people and rise up against the corrupt secular Baʿthist socialist regime, they interpreted it as the first step in the spread of Islamic radicalism that would eventually lead to the destablization of the whole region.

Discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by a Sweden Democrat in the European Parliament

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Kamber Güler
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Power ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Group

Discourses are mostly used by the elites as a means of controlling public discourse and hence, the public mind. In this way, they try to legitimate their ideology, values and norms in the society, which may result in social power abuse, dominance or inequality. The role of a critical discourse analyst is to understand and expose such abuses and inequalities. To this end, this paper is aimed at understanding and exposing the discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by the elites in the European Parliament (EP), through the example of Kristina Winberg, a member of the Sweden Democrats political party in Sweden and the political group of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in the EP. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the premises and strategies of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis make it possible to achieve the aim of the paper.

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