The Relationship Between the Right to Security and the Right to Freedom in Islam and the Study of Formal Rules for Relinquishing these Rights in Iran

This article raises fundamental conceptual questions about the relationship between the right to security and freedom, from the point of view of Islam. Also, in criminal law in Iran, the relationship between freedom and security is examined in all formal laws adopted after the Iranian Revolution. This study was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method using sources and documentary texts with the aim of explaining the relationship between the right to security and freedom in Islam and, at the same time, analyzing the formal rules of renunciation of these rights in formal laws and regulations. It is concluded that in Islam three types of minima, intermediate and maximum relations between security and freedom are conceivable. These three proportions, in addition to fulfilling the existence of security and freedom; introduce different types of relations between the two rights referred to according to the conditions that can be implemented. Likewise, when examining the formal norms, it can be recognized that the Code of Criminal Procedure, approved on 23.02.2014, has eliminated all the defects and ambiguities of the previous law in the field of the right of persons to liberty and personal security.

The Unfinished History of the Iran-Iraq War

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), founded after the Iranian revolution in 1979, is one of the most powerful and prominent but least understood organizations in Iran. In this book, Annie Tracy Samuel presents an innovative and compelling history of this organization and, by using the Iran-Iraq War as a focal point, analyzes the links between war and revolution. Tracy Samuel provides an internal view of the IRGC by examining how the Revolutionary Guards have recorded and assessed the history of the war in the massive volume of Persian language publications produced by the organization's top members and units. This not only enhances our comprehension of the IRGC's roles and power in contemporary Iran, but also demonstrates how the history of the Iran-Iraq War has immense bearing on the Islamic Republic's present and future. In doing so, the book reveals how analyzing Iran's history provides the critical tools for understanding its actions today.

Psychological and Cultural Treatment of Traumatized Subject(s): Reading Laleh Khadivi’s The Walking in Terms of Theories of Trauma

The present study aims to scrutinize the concept of trauma in Laleh khadivi’s work entitled, The Walking. The objective of the study is to examine how Khadivi’s work can be read through theories of trauma. The Freudian notion of trauma focuses on the remaining psychological wounds on subjects’ identity while Alexander’s concept, cultural trauma, concentrates on the cultural outcome of a horrendous event at the collective level. Traumas are not solely private psychological experiences and are restricted to one solitude individual as they can expose themselves as collective experiences. Literary works are valuable properties picturing the results and outcomes of trauma both at its individual and collective level. In the current paper, concepts related to traumas will be defined to examine the characters in Khadivi’s novel. The novel provides a set of chronological events that happened to a minority group during the Iranian revolution. The author chooses her characters of Iranians of Kurdish immigrants. The Walking, reminds us of events happening during 1976 in Iran, after The Islamic Revolution. The article will delineate that characters are psychologically traumatized after the revolution in Iran as well as experiencing cultural trauma during the twentieth century.

The Political Islamic Movement in Eastern Kurdistan (1979-1988), the Qur'an Office and The Khabat Organization, For Example.

With the success of the Iranian People's Revolution, the political Islamic movement in eastern Kurdistan has become more and more active. At first, the Qur'an office, which was established by Ahmad Mufti Zada, was only to educate young people on the basis of Islam, but with the success of the Iranian revolution, its direction changed to national work and demand Kurdish rights against the new regime. Later, due to the regime's negative stance on the demands of the Kurdish people, which included self-mayor for Kurdistan within iran, looking at Kurds as non-Muslims in the early 1980s led to the creation of another Islamic organization in Eastern Kurdistan called the Islamic National Struggle Organization of Iranian Kurdistan– Khabat, which, along with other parties in eastern Kurdistan, has begun armed struggles against the regime to achieve the national rights of the Kurdish people in eastern Kurdistan.

Exporting the Iranian Revolution: Ecumenical Clerics in Lebanon

From the dawn of the 1978–79 Iranian Revolution until the consolidation of Hizbullah in the late 1980s, a network of Iranian, Lebanese, and Palestinian clerics played a crucial role in spreading the revolution to Lebanon and laying the groundwork for Hizbullah. Whereas the historiography of the post-1979 Iran–Lebanon relationship is overwhelmingly focused on Hizbullah, the present study, by drawing on oral history interviews with these clerics and archival materials, contends that the Iranian Revolution came to Lebanon primarily through these Shi‘i and Sunni clerics, who joined ranks and established the Association of Muslim ‘Ulama’ in Lebanon in the wake of the 1982 Israeli invasion. This study argues that these clerics modeled their struggle on the ‘ulama’-led and mosque-based example of the 1978–79 revolution, which this paper describes as the Khomeinist script, to transcend sect to seed a revolution in Lebanon and mass mobilize against the invasion. This article concludes that the ecumenical script was highly appealing to non-Shi‘i Islamists, a key factor in the success of exporting the revolution and the rise of Hizbullah in Lebanon.

Google Plus as a Contentious Field of Revolutionary Identity

Social media platforms have been increasingly reinvigorating extreme movements, especially rightist movements. Utilizing unique Google Plus data, the author shows the rise and fall of the 2015 rightist anti-Nuclear Deal movement in Iran. He argues that the Google Plus platform in 2015 provided the new generation of revolutionary Islamist rightist activists with a contentious space of mobilization, enabling them to develop a new revolutionary rightist identity. This revolutionary identity and its corresponding language and discourse did not fully unfold in Iranian mainstream rightist media, even though rightist groups, compared to liberal groups, are not censored and repressed. The new generation of rightist activists perceived the Nuclear Deal as an existential threat to revolutionary principles of the country, and thus played out their outrage and identity anxieties on Google Plus. The author contends that this online outrage, due to the activists’ identity bond with the regime and the 1979 Iranian Revolution, however, did not translate into any massive offline mobilization against the Nuclear Deal. He also discusses the methodological implications of using social media data, especially the discontinuation of Google Plus.