Interpreting convergence in the European Union: Patterns of collective action, social learning and Europeanization by Christos J. Paraskevopoulos. Palgrave, 282 + xxi pp, hbk, GBP 45.00. ISBN 0 333 92188 7

2001 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 341-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Tickle



Author(s):  
Ian Bache ◽  
Simon Bulmer ◽  
Stephen George ◽  
Owen Parker

This chapter brings together what have usually been presented as separate ‘consequences’ of European integration: Europeanization effects and challenges to democracy. It first considers the meanings of ‘Europeanization’ and uses of Europeanization before discussing the development of Europeanization studies that relate specifically to the European Union, along with the new institutionalisms in Europeanization research. It also examines the issue of legitimacy and the notion of ‘democratic deficit’. The chapter shows how the process of Europeanization can challenge domestic democratic structures and processes by transferring responsibilities and obscuring lines of accountability. It suggests that Europeanization may also add to the so-called ‘output democracy’ by increasing the policy-making capacities of governments through collective action.



AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 135-139
Author(s):  
Antonios Tzanakopoulos

The United States and other actors such as the European Union impose “targeted sanctions” against foreign officials for acts carried out in their official capacity, or against legal entities of targeted states. This mirrors the practice and experience of the United Nations. The Security Council's practice of imposing comprehensive sanctions in the early 1990s quickly evolved into a practice of “targeted” or “smart” sanctions, to both improve effectiveness and to alleviate the significant effects of sanctions on the population of targeted states. However, the legal regime for resorting to sanctions is different when it comes to states acting unilaterally than it is for collective action within the framework of the UN Charter. This essay first clarifies some terminological issues. It then delves into the legality of the practice of unilateral “targeted sanctions,” and concludes that the most legally difficult aspect of these measures is their purported extraterritoriality.



2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Palupi Anggraheni ◽  
Chitra Regina Apris

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (EU) increases awareness of how far the Euroscepticism ideas spread among EU's members. As one of the pivotal EU members, the UK's withdrawal will bring consequences, especially how other countries' members perceived this action. The research focuses on how far the Eurosceptic party's critical ideas are manifested in the European Union treaties. This type of research is descriptive and qualitative. The scope of this research will focus on the Euroscepticism parties and movements in Austria, France, Italy, Netherland, and the United Kingdom. In this study, the authors use the concept of Euroscepticism to explain the classification of parties into the Euroscepticism Hard and Soft category and Neil J. Smelser's Value-Added Collective Behaviour scheme to describe the determinants of their collective action against the European Union. The result of this research is that Euroscepticism spreads throughout Europe by manifesting their critical ideas through six determinants factor, such as structural conduciveness, structural tension, growth, and spread of general beliefs, trigger factors, participant mobility, and social control. The manifestation of critical ideas carried out by Euroscepticism parties in the three countries can be seen through the Single European Act, Maastricht Treaty, Treaty Establishing Constitution for Europe, Referendum British Exit. The culmination of collective action by the Eurosceptic parties was the launch of EU critical campaigns (No to EU!) As well as a significant vote in the EU parliamentary elections.



2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 620-627
Author(s):  
Maria Kousis ◽  
Christian Lahusen

Solidarity with the deprived is a mission that many civic organisations share throughout Europe. The various crises, to which the European Union has been exposed to, have fueled and constrained this collective action at the same time. This article offers an introduction into this special issue. It highlights that the objective is to provide sound empirical findings about the magnitude and structure of the organisational field and to offer theoretical insights into the forces and constraints impacting on it. In addition, it presents the unique and new datasets on which the analyses are based on and stresses their comparative approach, given research carried out across fields (migration/refugees, unemployment, and disabilities) and countries (Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Switzerland, and the UK). Finally, the introduction to the special issue argues that the organisational fields are exposed to transformations that point to a more transnational scope of activities and a more encompassing and inclusive understanding of solidarity.



Author(s):  
Michael E. Smith

This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.



2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 624-645
Author(s):  
Stefan Clauwaert

This article reviews international, European and national regulation of transnational primary and secondary collective action. There is no explicit provision mentioning the right to international primary or secondary collective action in the relevant international instruments. Within the European Union, several legally binding instruments refer to the right to collective action but none explicitly refers to transnational secondary action. An overview of national regulation of international secondary action shows that at least some countries require or will require that transnational action be subject to the same limitations as those laid down for national secondary action. The possibility for legitimate transnational collective action needs to be clarified.



Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document