scholarly journals Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution

Author(s):  
Martyn Lyons
Author(s):  
Heena Kapoor

Napoleon Bonaparte turned France into a police state during his reign.[1] However, he did not continue the French Revolution as the French people hoped. The French Revolution brought forth liberty and to do as ones will if it does not harm another.[2] A new document brought by the French Revolution embodying these principles was the French Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen in 1789.[3] This Declaration stated under article 11 that there was to be a free flow of ideas and opinions in writing and the press.[4] Article 7 outlawed any cruel harsh punishment and arbitrary sentencing.[5] However, Napoleon reversed these fundamental principles of the French Revolution. Writers, the press, along with the French people were subjected to the General police and prefects and were banned from saying anything controversial, against his regime, anything about France’s revolutionary past, and against France’s allies.[6] Arbitrary, cruel punishments, and harsh rules were enacted by Napoleon through the Penal Code in 1810.[7] Napoleon did not continue the French Revolution and reversed it by turning France into a police state and monitored and censored the French people, the press, and writers.


Napoleon ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 14-26
Author(s):  
David A. Bell

Napoleon Bonaparte was born in 1769 in Corsica, just after it came under the control of the Kingdom of France. ‘The Corsican, 1769–1796’ outlines Napoleon’s early life, including his enrolment at Brienne military boarding school at age nine. He developed a love of literature and considered life as an author, but after finishing Brienne, he went to the École Militaire in Paris, graduating in 1785. In 1786, after his father’s death, Napoleon returned home to Corsica to help with family affairs. He remained in Corsica after the start of the French Revolution, but his rise through the ranks of the French Army is described along with his marriage to Rose de Beauharnais (Joséphine) in 1796.


Author(s):  
Jean Allain

Joseph-Mathias Gérard de Rayneval’s Preface to his Institutions du Droit de La Nature et des Gens sets out the content of his study. The Preface outlines each of the three Books and the Appendix, wherein he considers the fundamentals of the Law of Nations in the wake of the French Revolution and the coming to power of Napoleon Bonaparte. Those consideration are developed by first providing an understanding of the internal functioning of the State so as to then build an understanding of the Law of Nations. Having set out the principles which govern inter-State relations, Rayneval provides an Appendix which focus on the policy considerations for those seeking to navigate the art of governing.


Author(s):  
Aurelian Craiutu

This chapter examines political moderation in the writings of Germaine de Staël, with a particular focus on her attempt to create a center in the aftermath of the French Revolution. Madame de Staël's has established a reputation for her strong and sustained commitment to political moderation. It first considers Madame de Staël's contribution to the debates on the origins, nature, and legacy of the French Revolution before discussing the Constituent Assembly and the French constitution of 1791. It then explores Madame de Staël's views on political fanaticism and representative government, along with her proposed political center that could accommodate moderates from all camps. It also analyzes the defeat of the moderates and the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte and concludes with an assessment of the French Charter of 1814 in comparison to the English constitution.


Author(s):  
Nigel Ritchie

Birthed from national bankruptcy, the French Revolution was a painful political and social transformation that delivered some liberty and fraternity, if less equality, to its participants. While most would agree that our modern political world originated here, there is less consensus in understanding the causes or evolution of what political theorist Alexis de Tocqueville described as “a virus of a new and unknown kind.” The complexity of events, and subsequent layers of interpretation, make studying the French Revolution a daunting prospect for any historian; and its role as a key reference point for those either inspired or horrified by its outcomes continues to make it a focus of controversy and debate. A broad consensus concerning its nature—one of class-based conflict—most clearly expressed by French (Marxist) historians, briefly appeared toward the middle of the 20th century; however, this agreement has now been fatally undermined by an onslaught of diversified research findings that dissent from the old orthodoxies, most notably in emphasizing political over social or economic factors. What can be agreed is that the French Revolution was a transformative event. After the fall of the Bastille in July 1789, French revolutionaries suppressed feudal obligations, abolished the nobility (including titles), reorganized the Catholic Church, introduced (limited franchise) elections and a republican government, executed the king, and possibly most significantly, started a war that would draw in most of Europe and reach as far as the Caribbean. Over a quarter of a million people died in civil wars fought within France, hundreds of thousands more in wars with foreign powers, and 40,000 were executed for political crimes as alleged counterrevolutionaries. By 1799, France had tried out four different constitutions at home, imposed new ones on conquered territories in Italy, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, and appeared set on revolutionizing most of Europe, with some countries proudly proclaiming their emancipation by adopting the tricolor flag of republican France. After a decade of revolutionary upheaval, fifteen years of rule by France’s new leader, the military dictator and emperor Napoleon Bonaparte restored a degree of stability (and authoritarianism) to France while continuing to impose revolutionary reforms on the rest of Europe.


Author(s):  
Peter Alter

In his time, Napoleon Bonaparte of France commanded the ideological environment which made nationalism grow and helped to turn the idea of the ‘nation’ into one of the most powerful political forces in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Napoleon's conquests, and the strong reactions they provoked in England, Spain, Germany, Poland, and Russia, intensified and diffused the civic ideas of national autonomy, unity, and identity across Europe and throughout Latin America. It is this aspect of Napoleon's historic impact which, more or less by accident, and only in a few instances deliberately, helped to spread a new political culture or, indeed, a new political cult whose origins can be traced back to the French Revolution. The new political culture which arose out of the Revolution focused on the concept of the democratic, sovereign nation as a novel political and social unit for the organisation of society. National aspirations turned against Napoleon and his rule over Europe, and helped substantially to bring him down, instead of lending him support in consolidating his overstretched empire.


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