scholarly journals Napoleon Reversing the French Revolution.

Author(s):  
Heena Kapoor

Napoleon Bonaparte turned France into a police state during his reign.[1] However, he did not continue the French Revolution as the French people hoped. The French Revolution brought forth liberty and to do as ones will if it does not harm another.[2] A new document brought by the French Revolution embodying these principles was the French Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen in 1789.[3] This Declaration stated under article 11 that there was to be a free flow of ideas and opinions in writing and the press.[4] Article 7 outlawed any cruel harsh punishment and arbitrary sentencing.[5] However, Napoleon reversed these fundamental principles of the French Revolution. Writers, the press, along with the French people were subjected to the General police and prefects and were banned from saying anything controversial, against his regime, anything about France’s revolutionary past, and against France’s allies.[6] Arbitrary, cruel punishments, and harsh rules were enacted by Napoleon through the Penal Code in 1810.[7] Napoleon did not continue the French Revolution and reversed it by turning France into a police state and monitored and censored the French people, the press, and writers.

Author(s):  
Étienne Balibar

This chapter attempts to clarify the questions raised by the relations between madness and justice, with reference to the heritage of the French Revolution. It also assesses the distinction between crime and madness and their respective treatments in public and private spheres. Indeed, what prompts current discussions on the function of the psychiatrist in the courtroom or on the role of judgments of civil capacity in the treatment of mental illness, is yet again the perspective offered by the reframing of the Penal Code (including the famous Article 64, which makes “insanity”—or, in the more recent version, “psychic or neuro-psychic disturbance”—into the principal operator of the nullification of a crime or a delict, either in its juridical reality or in its penal consequences).


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 1123
Author(s):  
Ali Abdullah AL-Zuhairi

This paper delves into Charles Dickens’s objectivity of the events of the French Revolution and his unique stand and transparency in his representation for the two great power rivals and their prolonged conflict. The pre-revolutionary period was remarkable for the tyranny, cruelty, Socioeconomic-Inequality, and Subjugation of the Barbarous aristocratic rule against the masses. Conversely, the post-revolutionary period underwent sweeping social and political chaos and the form of administration set after the revolution was not a democracy, as French people were fond of calling it, but a mischievous and shameful anarchy lasted from 1789 until 1799. This discussion is an attempt to analyze and sort out a complex of hostile relationships involving the aristocrats and the peasants of A Tale of Two Cities. Dickens’ universal appeal indicates that whoever is in authority, aristocracy or masses, will get lavishly tempted to practice their full power depressingly and be obsessed with the dilemma of the establishment of the supremacy and dictatorship at any cost ignoring other’s right in decent life , freedom ,and equal opportunity. As the novel advanced, oppression is shown to breed oppression; violence to beget violence, evil to provoke evil. Instead of progress there is something more like the catastrophic continuum and piling wreckage upon wreckage.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane McLeod ◽  
Renée Girard

When the Revolutionary government in France declared Freedom of the Press in 1789 it did not anticipate the flow of counter-revolutionary pamphlets attacking its decision to nationalize the French Church and require all clergy to swear an oath to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. This article examines the conditions surrounding the printing of these religious pamphlets by investigating the career of one provincial printer in the border town of Metz—Jean-Baptiste Collignon—who worked with émigré bishops to produce them and who was guillotined in 1794 for counterrevolutionary activities. The authors explore the production and distribution of religious pamphlets, the ideological commitment of revolutionary printers, and the regional nature of censorship in the early French Revolution.


2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Harris

This paper examines responses in the Scottish newspaper press to the French Revolution and the associated rise of domestic radicalism. The development of the press in Scotland still awaits its modern historian, and this paper furnishes a picture of it in a crucial phase in its growth. However, the main emphasis is on how Scotland's newspapers ‘represented’ the French Revolution as its character changed between 1789 and the advent of the Terror. In 1793–4, the Scottish press provided powerful support to the anti-reformcause, but this could not have been easily anticipated as late as the middle of 1792. A further aim of the paper is to establish the distinctive importance of the newspaper as a site of idealogical and political struggle in Scotland in the 1970s.


Napoleon ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 14-26
Author(s):  
David A. Bell

Napoleon Bonaparte was born in 1769 in Corsica, just after it came under the control of the Kingdom of France. ‘The Corsican, 1769–1796’ outlines Napoleon’s early life, including his enrolment at Brienne military boarding school at age nine. He developed a love of literature and considered life as an author, but after finishing Brienne, he went to the École Militaire in Paris, graduating in 1785. In 1786, after his father’s death, Napoleon returned home to Corsica to help with family affairs. He remained in Corsica after the start of the French Revolution, but his rise through the ranks of the French Army is described along with his marriage to Rose de Beauharnais (Joséphine) in 1796.


Author(s):  
Jean Allain

Joseph-Mathias Gérard de Rayneval’s Preface to his Institutions du Droit de La Nature et des Gens sets out the content of his study. The Preface outlines each of the three Books and the Appendix, wherein he considers the fundamentals of the Law of Nations in the wake of the French Revolution and the coming to power of Napoleon Bonaparte. Those consideration are developed by first providing an understanding of the internal functioning of the State so as to then build an understanding of the Law of Nations. Having set out the principles which govern inter-State relations, Rayneval provides an Appendix which focus on the policy considerations for those seeking to navigate the art of governing.


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