Race, Reason and Representation in National Party Discourse, 1990–1992

1998 ◽  
pp. 49-71
Author(s):  
Antony Altbeker ◽  
Jonny Steinberg
Keyword(s):  
National Party

The Scottish National Party And The European Parliament

1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (First Serie (1) ◽  
pp. 87-100
Author(s):  
Peter Lynch
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
National Party ◽  
Scottish National Party

Constitution of «The New Hebrides National Party»

1975 ◽  
Vol 31 (46) ◽  
pp. 96-101
Author(s):  
Jean Guiart
Keyword(s):  
National Party ◽  
New Hebrides

Holding Australia to Ransom: The Colston Affair, 1996–2003

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-74
Author(s):  
Malcolm Saunders ◽  
Neil Lloyd
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Government ◽  
The Status ◽  
John Howard

Probably no one who has entered either federal or state Parliament in Australia departed from it as loathed and despised as Malcolm Arthur Colston. A Labor senator from Queensland between 1975 and 1996, he is remembered by that party as a ‘rat’ who betrayed it for the sake of personal advancement. Whereas many Labor parliamentarians – most notably Prime Minister ‘Billy’ Hughes in 1917 have left the party because they strongly disagreed with it over a major policy issue or a matter of principle, in the winter of 1996 Colston unashamedly left it to secure the deputy presidency of the Senate and the status, income and several other perquisites that went with it. Labor's bitterness towards Colston stems not merely from the fact that he showed extraordinary ingratitude towards a party that had allowed him a parliamentary career but more especially because, between his defection from the party in August 1996 and his retirement from Parliament in June 1999, his vote allowed the Liberal-National Party government led by John Howard to pass legislation through the Senate that might otherwise have been rejected.

Party Matters

2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
National Party ◽  
Strategic Responses ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Real Picture ◽  
The Relationship

This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.

The Democratic and Republican Governors Associations and the Nationalization of American Party Politics, 1961–1968

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Anthony Sparacino
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
State Level ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
State Governments ◽  
National Party ◽  
Government Programs ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
American Party

Abstract This article examines the origins and early activities of the Democratic and Republican Governors Associations (DGA and RGA, respectively) from the RGA's initial founding in 1961 through the 1968 national nominating conventions. I argue that the formations of these organizations were key moments in the transition from a decentralized to a more integrated and nationally programmatic party system. The DGA and RGA represent gubernatorial concern for and engagement in the development of national party programs and the national party organizations. Governors formed these groups because of the increasing importance of national government programs on the affairs of state governments and the recognition on the part of governors that national partisan politics was having critical effects on electoral outcomes at the state level, through the reputations of the national parties. To varying extents, the governors used these organizations to promote the national parties and contributed to national party-building efforts and the development of national party brands.

The Liberal-National Party Fightback! Package: A Distributional Analysis

1992 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-79
Author(s):  
Phil Raskall
Keyword(s):  
Distributional Analysis ◽  
National Party ◽  
The Impact

This paper examines the distributional analysis of the impact of the Fightback! package on Australian households. The paper examines the veracity of both the results presented and the analysis undertaken by the Opposition. The critique by the Treasury is investigated, as are omissions by both Treasury and the Opposition. Some attempt to measure the direction and significance of these excluded impacts is also analysed.

British National Party: Contemporary Perspectives

2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-134
Author(s):  
Michael Thrasher
Keyword(s):  
National Party ◽  
British National Party

Reading a staging/Staging a reading

1997 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Levin
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Richard Wagner ◽  
National Party ◽  
Critical Reading

In February of 1929, the German National Party raised a matter of pressing concern in the Prussian State Parliament: the party requested a parliamentary investigation into ‘the transformation of the State Opera at the Platz der Deutschen Republik (popularly known as the Kroll Opera) into a laboratory for Bolshevik art experiments’. The crisis had become particularly acute in the wake of the Kroll Opera's production of Der fliegende Holländer, which had been premièred a few weeks earlier on 15 January 1929 and which, according to the party, brazenly ‘mocked the spirit of Richard Wagner’. For anyone who has worked on Wagner or, for that matter, simply attended performances of his works, the sentiments come as no surprise. Indeed, the fact that they arose in the wake of Otto Klemperer's and Jiirgen Fehling's famously abstract production (with sets by Ewald Dülberg) make them almost predictable. Fehling and Klemperer incurred the wrath of the National Party for producing what I want to call a ‘critical reading’ of Wagner's text. In Klemperer's and Fehling's reading, the Dutchman's ship may be anchored in the mid-nineteenth century, but it is not permanently mired there. And that is precisely what enraged the National Party, just as years later Patrice Chereau would incur the wrath of countless like-minded Wagnerians, whose recourse to the official channels of government for the redress of their aesthetic grievances was, however, no longer so direct.

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