Allophonic Variation in English

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Štefan Beňuš
Keyword(s):  
1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Britain

ABSTRACTThis article reports on research carried out in the Fens in Eastern England, a region noted in the dialectological literature as the site of a number of important phonological transitions, most notably [] and [a – a:], which separate northern and southern varieties of British English. Recordings of 81 speakers from across the Fens were analyzed for the use of (ai), a particularly salient local variable. A “Canadian Raising” type of allophonic variation was found in the central Fenland: speakers in this area used raised onsets of (ai) before voiceless consonants but open onsets before voiced consonants, morpheme boundaries, and //. The article weighs a number of possible explanations for the emergence of this variation in the Fens. Based on compelling evidence from the demographic history of the area, it supports a view that such an allophonic distribution, previously thought not to be found in Britain, emerged as the result of dialect contact. The sociolinguistic process of koinéization that is commonly associated with post-contact speech communities (Trudgill 1986) is held responsible for the focusing of this allophonic variation from the input dialects of an initially mixed variety. The article concludes by suggesting a socially based explanatory model to account for the way that speakers implement processes of focusing and koinéization in areas of dialect contact. [English, dialects, contact, koiné, geographical linguistics, social networks, structuration theory)


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 403
Author(s):  
Marie Bissell

The aim of the present study involving automatic phonetic classification of /e/ and /u/ tokens in Tol is two-fold: first, I test existing claims about allophonic variation within these vowel classes, and second, I investigate allophonic variation within these vowel classes that has yet to be documented. The acoustic phonetic classifications derived in the present study contribute to a more detailed understanding of the allophonic systems operating within the Tol language. Operationalizing machine learning algorithms to investigate under-resourced, indigenous languages has the potential to provide detailed insights into the acoustic phonetic dynamics of a diverse range of vocalic systems.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Eisa S. Alrasheedi

<p>The current work tackled two phonemes, /k/ and /g/, examining the phonological operations in charge of their allophonic variation in Ha’ili Arabic. The study found out that the phoneme /k/ has two allophones: [k] and the dental voiceless affricate [ts]. The latter occurs when preceded or followed by either [a] or [i], whilst the former shows up elsewhere. However, the latter generalisation falls out when the resulting allophone violates the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) which impinges on the occurrence of the allophone affricate [ts] when clustered with sounds with same place features. Similarly, the study argued that the phone /g/ has two surface forms whose occurrence is predictable: [g] and the voiced dental affricate [dz]. The latter shows up when preceded or followed by the front high vowel [i], whereas the former occurs elsewhere. Additionally, the study worked out how affrication feeds vowel lowering in HA. </p>


2010 ◽  
Vol 128 (4) ◽  
pp. 2458-2458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Jannedy ◽  
Melanie Weirich ◽  
Jana Brunner ◽  
Micaela Mertins

2003 ◽  
Vol 114 (4) ◽  
pp. 2365-2365
Author(s):  
Yuka Matsugu ◽  
Timothy J. Vance
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 141 (5) ◽  
pp. 3820-3820
Author(s):  
Malgorzata E. Cavar ◽  
Steven M. Lulich ◽  
Max Nelson
Keyword(s):  

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHEN LAKER

Most handbooks and grammars contend that in Old English the voiced fricatives [v, ð, z] were merely allophones of /f, θ, s/ in sonorous environments. How these voiced fricatives became phonemes is debated among scholars. In this article, all previous accounts are critically reviewed. A new proposal is then presented, which explains the facts in a more direct way than previous theses. I argue that phonemicisation of a previous allophonic voice alternation in fricatives had already taken place in many areas of Anglo-Saxon England through language contact with Brittonic. Voiceless as well as voiced fricative phonemes existed in Brittonic at the time of contact, and language shift would have led directly to the phonemicisation of the previous allophonic variation found in early Old English.


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