Language shift and language (re)vitalisation: the roles played by women and men in Northern Fenno-Scandia

The research question of the present paper is the following: to what degree (if any) is gender relevant as an explanatory factor in, firstly, the process of assimilation and later, the process of (re)vitalisation of indigenous and minority languages in northern Fenno-Scandia (the North Calotte)? The assimilation of the ethnic groups in question was a process initiated and lead by the authorities in the three different countries. Finland, Sweden and Norway. Nevertheless, members of the indigenous and minority groups also took part in practicing, though, not necessarily promoting, the official assimilation politics, for different reasons. (Re)vitalisation, on the other hand, was initially – and still is – mostly a process stemming from the minority groups themselves, though the authorities to a certain extent have embraced it. The paper thus addresses the question of whether gender played a role in the two different processes, assimilation and (re)vitalisation, and if that was the case, how and why.

Cultural Maintenance in the Face of Language Shift- Young Sindhi Muslims in Karachi, Pakistan

The Sindhi language, a descendent of a pre-Vedic Prakit language is the most widely spoken language in South Asia. Sindhi speech community comprises both Muslims, and Hindus which have distinct cultural and religious practices, yet they are socially connected because of the geographical link with their land. However, due to the partitioning of the Indian sub-continent, many Sindhi Hindus migrated to India, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, the United Kingdom, Hong Kong, and many other countries. There has not only been an external diaspora but within Pakistan, there has also been an internal diaspora of younger Sindhi Muslims who have moved to cities like Karachi, Hyderabad, and Sukkur to pursue tertiary education. These young speakers have acquired and learned the dominant languages Urdu and English as their second and third languages while shifting away from their native Sindhi language. This study investigates the identity markers which have enabled them to retain their Sindhiness[1]. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 male and female young Sindhis and shadow observation of three participants in Karachi. The analysis shows that young Sindhi speakers have a high sense of group solidarity with their community and retain the use of culturally loaded identity markers which include naming patterns, cuisine, dressing, music, customs, rituals, social values, and networking. According to Fishman (1996), there is a deep relationship between language and culture. Despite a shift away from the habitual use of the Sindhi language these respondents have maintained their cultural values and norms. Keywords: cultural maintenance, language shift, Sindhi community, Karachi

Pergeseran Bahasa Muna dalam Ranah Pendidikan di Kabupaten Banggai

This research is aimed to describe the pattern of language shifts of Muna Language (BM) in the education domain in the Banggai Regency and explain the factors that caused those shifts. The research data was obtained using the speaking and listening method through questionnaire, interview, note-taking, and participating observation techniques. Quantitative data were processed using descriptive statistics (calculated the mean). There are four categories used to interpret the BM shift patterns, namely not yet shifted; begins to shift, but tends to persist; begins to shift; has shifted. The result of the study indicated that the shift in BM in the education aspect in the Banggai Regency, both based on age, gender, education, and occupation, showed a varied pattern of language shift. Based on age group, age 11-15 years old, BM has shifted (always use BI); 16-27 and 28-49 years, BM starts to shift (uses BI more often), and 50 years and over, BM has not shifted persists. Based on gender, both male and female, the pattern of shifting in BM are almost the same, namely starting to shift. Based on the education category, the pattern of BM shift varies: SD/TTSD BM begins to shift, but tends to persist; in SMP, SMA, and PT, BM began to shift (using BI more often). Varied patterns of BM shifts are also seen in the job category. Muna people, who are also a student, BM has shifted (always using BI); Civil servants/TNI/Polri and private employees, BM began to shift (using BI more often); self-employment, trading, and other occupations, BM began to shift, but tended to persist; farmers, have not shifted persist (using BM and BI in a balanced way). The shift in BM in the domain of education is caused by several factors, including social factors, where the Muna people live, ethnic diversity, ethnic minorities, and bilingualism. Among these factors, social factors, bilingualism, ethnic minorities, and where the Muna people live are very dominant in influencing the shift in BM in the education domain in the Banggai Regency.

Translanguaging space and translanguaging practices in multilingual Russian-speaking families

Translanguaging is seen both as a threat and as an opportunity for minority language development and transmission. While the theme of translanguaging has been explored especially in a context of migration, the novelty of this study lies in its investigation of the multiple contexts in which translanguaging is examined. In order to understand the nature of translanguaging, we adopt a novel interdisciplinary approach and view it in all its complexity, including liminal spaces of linguistic landscape. Family language policy affects the home linguistic environment. Our purpose is to investigate language choices by multilingual Russian-speakers in Cyprus, Sweden and Estonia, immigrant and minority settings, and try to understand how they are reflected in the multilingual interaction of the families. Using ethnographic participant observations and oral spontaneous multilingual production, our study attempts to describe how communication is managed through translanguaging practices among multilingual Russian-speaking families members in the cultural and linguistic environments of the three countries. By looking closely at the complexities of translanguaging space, it is our ambition to gain new insights about how it is organised and how translanguaging becomes a valuable linguistic resource in multilingual families. Our results indicate that translanguaging practices can be used in family conversational contexts and contribute to the creation of a rich and positive family repertoire. A new norm of Russian has been developed in all the three settings. A language shift can happen more quickly than expected, and, thus, it is important for parents to provide many opportunities for practising Russian as the L1.

An Analysis of Sumbawa Language Shift in Tatebal Village

This study aims to obtain a types of sumbawa language shift in Sumbawa, especially in Tatebal village. This study uses a descriptive qualitative method which aims to provide an overview of the various types of sumbawa language shift in Sumbawa, especially in Tatebal village. In collecting data, the researcher used direct observation techniques and interviews with Tatebal society. Observation used to know the way of teenagers, adults and old people in Tatebal village during doing a daily conversation. Interviews were conducted with teenagers, adult and old people in the village and interviews with informants,to add information to the research. Based on the research, the sumbawa language shift that occured in Tatebal village very diverse, for example the word maming to adress their father became bapak, mambo became sendal, jelaja became jendela etc.

O le Aso Ma le Filiga, O le Aso Mata’igatila. A qualitative study looking at Samoan language maintenance within second generation households

<p>Samoan language within Aotearoa New Zealand has been labelled as “at risk” of becoming an endangered language if language shift continues (Hunkin, 2012; Wilson, 2017). Language shift or language loss is defined as when a speech community gradually stops using one of its two languages in favour of the other, in this case English (Ravindrantha, 2009). The Samoan population is the largest community of the Pacific diaspora living in Aotearoa New Zealand. However, the use and maintenance of the Samoan language is rapidly declining. Although community-led initiatives have led to establishing of Aoga ‘Amata (Samoan language and culture immersion preschool), Pacific Islands Early Childhood Association (PIECA) and the establishing of Samoan Studies departments within tertiary institutions, there continues to be an urgent need for government support and the implementation of Pacific language policies to ensure the continued use and protection of Samoan and other Pacific languages within the realm of Aotearoa New Zealand. The three research questions framing this investigation are as follows: 1. How do the second and third generation Samoans view language and culture as contributing to their identity? 2. Where are second and third generation Samoans using and learning Samoan? 3. Is there a relationship between wellbeing and language shift? O le Filiga Afa, a qualitative research methodology, was born out of this research in response to the need for a culturally responsive framework. Data was gathered through focus group and one-to-one discussions and included New Zealand - born Samoan - speaking and non-Samoan - speaking Samoan participants. Key findings from this study include: • All participants had a deep yearning for maintaining and revitalising their heritage languages; • Language, culture and identity are intertwined and cannot be separated from one another; • The role of elders, genealogy and the connection to culture contributes significantly towards the reinforcing and the maintenance of the Samoan language. • A strong connection can be found between language shift and one’s wellbeing</p>

Bilingual speech in Jaru–Kriol conversations: Codeswitching, codemixing, and grammatical fusion

Aims and objectives: Language contact in the Yaruman community of Western Australia has led to prevalent bilingual practices between the endangered language Jaru and the creole language Kriol. This study examines ordinary conversations in the community and investigates whether the observable bilingual practices are interactionally relevant, and whether codemixing has led to the emergence of a conventionalised mixed language. Approach: The research is based on a qualitative analysis of bilingual speech in natural conversation. The approach combines the methodological framework of interactional linguistics with an analysis of the grammatical structures of conversational data. Data and analysis: The analysed data consist of two hours and thirty minutes of transcribed video recordings, comprising 13 casual multi-party conversations involving all generations in the Yaruman community. The recordings were made using lapel microphones and two high-definition cameras. Findings: Bilingual Jaru–Kriol speakers use codeswitching as an interactional resource for a range of conversational activities. In many cases, however, speakers’ code choices are not interactionally relevant. Instead, codemixing is often oriented to as a normative way of speaking and participants exploit their full linguistic repertoire by relatively freely combining elements from both languages. There are also signs of morphological fusion in the mixed speech of younger Jaru speakers, who more frequently combine Kriol verb structure and Jaru nominal morphology. However, this morphological split is not fully conventionalised and variation is still substantial. Originality: The bilingual speech continuum is supported by the analysis of conversational data in a situation of language shift. This article shows that fusion involving core grammatical categories can occur among a subgroup of speakers without developing into a community-wide mixed language. Significance: The study contributes to a better understanding of community bilingualism and bilingual practices in a situation of language shift. It demonstrates how codeswitching, codemixing, and grammatical fusion can co-exist in a bilingual community.

O le Aso Ma le Filiga, O le Aso Mata’igatila. A qualitative study looking at Samoan language maintenance within second generation households

<p>Samoan language within Aotearoa New Zealand has been labelled as “at risk” of becoming an endangered language if language shift continues (Hunkin, 2012; Wilson, 2017). Language shift or language loss is defined as when a speech community gradually stops using one of its two languages in favour of the other, in this case English (Ravindrantha, 2009). The Samoan population is the largest community of the Pacific diaspora living in Aotearoa New Zealand. However, the use and maintenance of the Samoan language is rapidly declining. Although community-led initiatives have led to establishing of Aoga ‘Amata (Samoan language and culture immersion preschool), Pacific Islands Early Childhood Association (PIECA) and the establishing of Samoan Studies departments within tertiary institutions, there continues to be an urgent need for government support and the implementation of Pacific language policies to ensure the continued use and protection of Samoan and other Pacific languages within the realm of Aotearoa New Zealand. The three research questions framing this investigation are as follows: 1. How do the second and third generation Samoans view language and culture as contributing to their identity? 2. Where are second and third generation Samoans using and learning Samoan? 3. Is there a relationship between wellbeing and language shift? O le Filiga Afa, a qualitative research methodology, was born out of this research in response to the need for a culturally responsive framework. Data was gathered through focus group and one-to-one discussions and included New Zealand - born Samoan - speaking and non-Samoan - speaking Samoan participants. Key findings from this study include: • All participants had a deep yearning for maintaining and revitalising their heritage languages; • Language, culture and identity are intertwined and cannot be separated from one another; • The role of elders, genealogy and the connection to culture contributes significantly towards the reinforcing and the maintenance of the Samoan language. • A strong connection can be found between language shift and one’s wellbeing</p>

Family Language Policies of Refugees: Ethiopians and Colombians in New Zealand

<p>There has been a surprising dearth of research on language maintenance and shift in New Zealand over the last decade. This thesis addresses this gap by examining incipient patterns of language maintenance and shift in families in two refugee communities in Wellington. Earlier research suggests that immigrants may maintain their ethnic languages in spite of societal factors pressuring language shift for up to three generations. By then, however, language shift is often completed, with the third generation using the majority language only (Fishman 1991). In a largely monolingual country such as New Zealand, this shift may be accomplished in only two generations (Holmes et al. 1993). Understanding the language dynamics at the micro level that eventually lead to language maintenance or shift requires more research into actual language use among family members than traditional methods provide. This investigation therefore uses ethnographic observations, semi-structured interviews and recordings of naturally-occurring interactions between mothers and their children to highlight the challenges involved in transmitting a minority language. Using Spolsky’s (2004) tripartite model of language policy, I investigate family language beliefs, practices, and management in the refugee-background Ethiopian and Colombian communities. The Amharic-speaking Ethiopian community consists mostly of first and second generation members. They first settled in New Zealand in the 1990s and now display awareness of the challenges of maintaining their language. Most Ethiopian parents consider it their responsibility to teach their children Amharic in the home and many have introduced explicit language policies to promote Amharic use. These families exhibit an ‘impact belief’ (De Houwer 1999) which links their positive beliefs about Amharic with their management of family language practices. Nevertheless, in some cases children subvert and contest explicit language management and become primary agents of language shift. Supporting the parents’ efforts, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church provides a social space where Amharic may be used backed by an explicit policy which requires all members to use the language when at church. This policy provides valuable institutional support and cultural capital for Amharic and contributes to the vitality of the language in Wellington. The Colombian community has had a relatively shorter stay in Wellington, with the first members arriving as recently as 2008. Colombian mothers want to transmit Spanish and many seem confident that their children will maintain the language. In particular, they consider the Colombian variety of Spanish to be a source of pride and a core value (Smolicz 1992), as many participants closely link this variety to their Colombian identity. They further capitalise on the prestige of Spanish as a world language that motivates them to use it even outside their ethnic community. However, few families have put in place explicit language policies to use Spanish in the home; instead, many regard it as a more urgent concern that their children learn English. Overall, despite the community members’ positive attitudes towards their ethnic languages, their efforts to transmit these languages appear to be constrained by the fact that English is invested with considerable cultural capital (Bourdieu 1977) in New Zealand. English acquisition often takes priority, particularly for many newly arrived Colombian families. The participants’ refugee experiences, length of residence in New Zealand and the societal status of their ethnic languages seem influential factors on the degree of control they assume over their children’s language practices. Families also dynamically adapt their language policies to the circumstances, for example by introducing an explicit minority language policy after their children have acquired what they consider to be enough English. Despite a strong desire for their children to continue speaking the ethnic language, the parents have many other (non-linguistic) responsibilities and they frequently lack knowledge about “success strategies” for minority language transmission. Moreover, the children often take significant agency by introducing English into the home domain, in some cases even influencing other family members to use it, and thus initiating language shift. The detailed interactional data in this research provides insight into the different ways parents have instantiated their varying language policies and negotiated home language choice with their children. In sum, this research provides insight into language transmission efforts at the family level, and, using data from observations, interviews and recordings of mother-child interaction, describes in detail the unfolding of language maintenance dynamics. The thesis presents valuable insight into the underlying beliefs about Amharic and Spanish, the role of explicit language management strategies, parental socialisation and discourse styles and children’s agency. As the first such research covering two recent refugee communities it will hopefully assist the individual families to socialise their children in a way that enables them to become proficient minority language speakers. This will ensure a linguistically rich future for New Zealand.</p>