Soft Power in the European Union’s Strategic Partnership Diplomacy: The Erasmus Plus Programme

Author(s):  
Laura C. Ferreira-Pereira ◽  
João Mourato Pinto
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Sandra Baniak

Serbia inherited Yugoslavia’s tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of “multi-vector” policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a “strategic partnership” with Russia. This paper presents Russia’s interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia’s internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo’s independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 250-273
Author(s):  
Alba Iulia Catrinel

Since the 2000s, China has become an increasingly visible presence in Europe. In the last 20 years, China has signed an extended strategic partnership with the European Union,developed the 17 + 1 platform, of strategic cooperation with the Eastern European corridor states, invested heavily in the European economy and diversified its soft-power means of action. In this context, the states of the Black Sea region are implicitly targeted by China's interests and actions. How large is China's presence in the Black Sea region? What are the objectives of China's geopolitical game in the Black Sea region? Do they belong to an independent game?Or are they part of a much more complex strategy, which aims at a major reconfiguration of global spheres of influence?Keywords: Black Sea region, China, 17 + 1 format, Belt and Road Initiative, Ukraine, Georgia,Danube estuary, Chinese "belt" of the Black Sea.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 071-082
Author(s):  
Adi Bandono ◽  
Avando Bastari ◽  
Okol Sri Suharyo

Indonesia and India see the Indian Ocean as their strategic political, education, defense, and maritime security. Diplomatic relations between Indonesia and India have been established since 1951 and were upgraded to become a Strategic Partnership in the fields of politics, defense, and maritime security aimed at increasing Confidence Building Measures (CBM). This study aims to analyze the perspective of Indonesia's cooperation with India in the fields of politics, defense and maritime security. The development of Indonesia-India relations has included mutual influence between soft power and hard power. Soft power in Indonesian and Indian foreign policy began to shift to strategic thinking or hard power in entering the stages of the development of Indonesian and Indian Education. This development is in line with Indonesia's foreign policy, which embraces free and active politics. Free means not being bound by ideology or by a foreign country's politics or by a specific bloc of nations, or superpowers, while active means a realistic contribution to developing freedom of friendship and international cooperation by respecting the sovereignty of other countries. Commemorating 70 years of Indonesia-India relations is expected to be a momentum to strengthen strategic cooperation between the two countries is neighboring and have the same interests, covering the Indian Ocean, South China Sea, and the Indo-Pacific as part of emerging strategic entities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-106
Author(s):  
Ivan A. Andreev

This article considers the use of “soft power” as an instrument of China’s political strategy. Within the context of the issue of combining forms of international political influence, the notion of “soft power” is unveiled as interpreted by its author – American political expert J. Nye – while analyzing the adaptation of said notion to Peking’s political strategy, which in turn is associated with China’s rise to the position of global superpower number 2. Highlighted is the fact that this notion is attune to China’s centuries-old political tradition, as well as Peking’s current objective to relieve its neighbors traditional unease on account of a possible threat on their behalf, due both to the sheer size of the country, with its population of almost 1.5 billion people, and its relatively recent aggressive behavior during the time of Maoism. The article gives a characteristic of the main instruments used to implement the Chinese strategy of “soft” influence, particularly broadening the network of Confucius institutes and classes, taking advantage of hosting high-profile international events, education in China’s educational facilities, establishing control over certain global media corporations etc. Especially considered is the use of “soft power” in China’s collaboration with post-Soviet states, primarily with Russia and republics of central Asia. Demonstrated are features of the political context of Peking’s use of “soft power” on post-Soviet territory, highlighted among which is a rather strong prejudice against China in countries of central Asia, as well as the need to achieve a friendlier relationship with the Russian Federation, which in turn possesses “soft power” potential comparable to China, and also strives to play a leading role on post-Soviet territory. Based on the analysis conducted, the author comes to the conclusion that “soft power” methods were able to solidify a strong foundation of public support for a strategic partnership between Russia and China. This in no small part helped in gradually increasing the level of mutual trust throughout the last decade, which, on one hand, helped calm Russian people’s anxiety on account of Chinese migration to regions of the Far East and Siberia, and on the other – without any serious incidents lighten certain delicate aspects of Russian-Chinese relations which had emerged in the past.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Igor Shcherbak ◽  

The article contains analyses of the formation of a new strategy of EU towards Afghanistan taking into account recent dramatic changes of strategic environment in connection with the withdrawal of the US and NATO forces from the country. The author devotes attention in this context to the reasoning for adaptation of the previous EU strategy on Afghanistan which was based on the prioritization of a «soft power» concept. The article enumerates possible elements of a perspective EU strategy – support to international efforts aimed at a comprehensive peaceful regulation of the Afghan crises, suppression of international terrorism, strengthening security of the country and providing large-scale economic assistance for sustaining development of Afghanistan as a guarantee of its stability in the future. The article underlines that the concept of interconnectivity between Central Asia – Afghanistan – South Asia and strategic partnership with India are actively used by EU for integration of Afghanistan into the regional cooperation and strengthening its sustainable development and security. The author sheds light on the convergence of the approaches of the EU and Russia on peaceful settlement of the Afghan crises including possibility of joint actions through different international formats aimed at peaceful and sustainable post-conflict development of Afghanistan.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stella-Leonie Wancke
Keyword(s):  

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Rezende Rocha

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