Middle Powers in International Relations: Comparative Analysis of Conceptual Approaches

The article discusses the formation and deepening of the strategic partnership between Japan and Vietnam, the structural characteristics of relations in the spheres of politics and security, as well as the commonality of interests and the limits of rapprochement between the two countries. The comprehensive improvement of Japanese-Vietnamese relations is based on a combination of strategic and economic interests. The first part of the article is devoted to the key trends in the development of relations between Japan and Vietnam. The second part defines areas of convergence of interests and constraints on the path of further rapprochement between Tokyo and Hanoi. The author makes the assumption that the strategic cooperation between the two countries will continue to expand in the future due to the fact that it is based on a broad coincidence of mutual interests, both strategic and economic.

Convergence of NDPP and CSDP Planning Process as a Part of the NATO-EU Strategic Partnership Reinforcing

Over the last few years, a need for reinforcing the NATO-EU mutual coherence has become increasingly apparent. The EU and NATO have recently initiated the steps to consolidate the strategic cooperation where a way ahead to converge NDPP and CSDP planning process was also underpinned. The recent introduction of new tools tailored to get more effective the CSDP process offers new opportunities for facilitating a convergence of EU and NATO planning approaches. Even if it is impossible to assume that the Alliance's and the Union's planning processes would become identical, the implementation of PESCO and other subsequent procedural tools has created a room for potential synchronization and harmonization of respective planning processes. The paper summarises findings on certain parts of both processes which could be brought closer, in terms of time and procedures, without affecting the autonomy of both organizations in any way.

EU and India: Emerging Trends in Higher Education Cooperation

The paper examines the potential for the EU to act as a leading actor in internationalization of higher education area based on the case of India – one of the largest higher education national systems, which has been in a process of massification and transformation. Based on the general framework of strategic cooperation between the EU and India, the paper looks at the EU’s strategies and instruments for cooperation in the area of higher education, considers the current picture and identifies enabling factors for intensification of this cooperation. It raises the question of whether the EU can go beyond bilateral relations between higher education institutions and become a collective driver of higher education cooperation between India and the European Higher Education Area, and what the barriers and challenges in developing the external dimension of the EU’s higher education policy are.

Re-imagining the SCO’s Geopolitical Expansion: Would It Be a Next SAARC?

The SCO is one of the biggest geopolitical groupings in the world. It has provided a forum for its members, particularly, Russia and China, to cooperate on the set goals of the Eurasian re-integration. In contrast, SAARC cannot be termed as a successful organization, given the arch–rivalries between India and Pakistan. However, optimists believe that the geopolitical expansion, having India and Pakistan on board, the SCO would have the potential for economic and strategic cooperation. On the other hand, the evolving Sino-Pak axis vis-à-vis India has generated a view that China has offered an SCO platform to make its South Asia Policy a reality. Hence, an attempt has been made to assess the evolving speculations; will the geopolitical expansion of SCO unfold new opportunities or merely make SCO as another SAARC?

“THE SILENT THREAT” – CHINA’S GEOPOLITICAL “GAME” IN THE BLACK SEA REGION

Since the 2000s, China has become an increasingly visible presence in Europe. In the last 20 years, China has signed an extended strategic partnership with the European Union,developed the 17 + 1 platform, of strategic cooperation with the Eastern European corridor states, invested heavily in the European economy and diversified its soft-power means of action. In this context, the states of the Black Sea region are implicitly targeted by China's interests and actions. How large is China's presence in the Black Sea region? What are the objectives of China's geopolitical game in the Black Sea region? Do they belong to an independent game?Or are they part of a much more complex strategy, which aims at a major reconfiguration of global spheres of influence?Keywords: Black Sea region, China, 17 + 1 format, Belt and Road Initiative, Ukraine, Georgia,Danube estuary, Chinese "belt" of the Black Sea.