Australian Measures to Counter Violent Extremism Online: A Comparative Perspective on Far-Right and Jihadist Content

2020 ◽  
pp. 619-627
Author(s):  
Imogen Richards
Author(s):  
Nora Abdelrahman Ibrahim

Terrorism and violent extremism have undoubtedly become among the top security concerns of the 21st century. Despite a robust agenda of counterterrorism since the September 11, 2001 attacks, the evolution of global terrorism has continued to outpace the policy responses that have tried to address it. Recent trends such as the foreign fighter phenomenon, the rampant spread of extremist ideologies online and within communities, and a dramatic increase in terrorist incidents worldwide, have led to a recognition that “traditional” counterterrorism efforts are insufficient and ineffective in combatting these phenomena. Consequently, the focus of policy and practice has shifted towards countering violent extremism by addressing the drivers of radicalization to curb recruitment to extremist groups. Within this context, the field of countering violent extremism (CVE) has garnered attention from both the academic and policy-making worlds. While the CVE field holds promise as a significant development in counterterrorism, its policy and practice are complicated by several challenges that undermine the success of its initiatives. Building resilience to violent extremism is continuously challenged by an overly securitized narrative and unintended consequences of previous policies and practices, including divisive social undercurrents like Islamophobia, xenophobia, and far-right sentiments. These by-products make it increasingly difficult to mobilize a whole of society response that is so critical to the success and sustainability of CVE initiatives. This research project addresses these policy challenges by drawing on the CVE strategies of Canada, the US, the UK, and Denmark to collect best practice and lessons learned in order to outline a way forward. 


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Bradley Byington

Conspiracy theories, and especially antisemitic conspiracy theories, form a core ideological component of right-wing violent extremism in the United States. This article argues that conspiracy narratives and their psychological antecedents are key to understanding the ideological appeal of right-wing extremist formations such as white supremacist and Christian Identity movements, providing insight into the motivations and behaviors of those individual participants who become sufficiently radicalized to carry out terrorist actions. It is further proposed that standard radicalization models can be enhanced for applications specific to right-wing extremism through an understanding of conspiracy thinking (both antisemitic and otherwise), and that this understanding can assist in addressing the motivated roots of the ideologies that sustain this particular type of violent extremism through a public health approach to counter-radicalization that aims to “inoculate” the public against the cognitive tendencies exemplified in antisemitic con- spiracy theories and in conspiracist culture more generally. The proposed approach would complement existing efforts in a unique way, as it would have the potential not only to improve public security, but also to provide further societal benefits by countering other negative tendencies associated with conspiracy belief (for example, decreased intention to vaccinate). This would provide an exceptional cost versus benefit ratio while supporting existing counter-radicalization programs and leaving them intact.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting ◽  
Linda Briskman

In Australia since about the turn of the millennium, discrimination against Muslims has been increasingly normalized, made respectable, and presented as prudent precaution against violent extremism. Vilification of Muslims has posed as defending ‘Australian values’ against those who will not integrate. Liberal political leaders and press leader-writers who formerly espoused cultural pluralism now routinely hold up as inimical the Muslim folk devil by whose otherness the boundaries of acceptability of the national culture may be marked out and policed. The Muslim Other is positioned not only as culturally incommensurate, but dangerously so: dishonest, criminally inclined, violent, misogynist, homophobic, backward, uncivilized. On the far right, extremist nationalist organizations incite racist hatred under cover of this rhetoric, often cloaked as reasonable common sense. This paper undertakes an ideology analysis of political and media discussion, and examines the forms of social control that they advance and sustain.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147377952097512
Author(s):  
Kent Roach

This article examines how post-9/11 counterterrorism has often not been applied to far-right terrorism. Discriminatory double standards in counterterrorism should not be tolerated. Nevertheless, the answer is not simply to ratchet up counterterrorism to apply to the far-right. The legitimate desire for symbolic equality should not blind us to the underlying weaknesses of many of those instruments both in preventing terrorism and in respecting rights. In some cases, such as the United Nation’s regime of individual sanctions related to financing and travel of those associated with al Qaeda and Daesh, application to the far-right is not legally possible. It will be suggested in this article that far-right terrorism should be used as an opportunity to re-evaluate the effectiveness and propriety of all counterterrorism. A preliminary assessment suggests that counterterrorism tied to international or national proscription may not be effective (both generally and specifically in relation to the far-right). More difficult cases involve whether terrorism offences and offences targeting speech should be applied against all forms of terrorism. Interventions regulating items and material on the Internet used by terrorists and programs to counter violent extremism and to rehabilitate offenders may be promising in addressing both far-right and Daesh-inspired terrorism. Both New Zealand’s increased regulation of guns and the Christchurch calls for greater regulation of the Internet follow these more promising strategies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-92
Author(s):  
Yeslam Al-Saggaf ◽  
Patrick F. Walsh

In this study, a data mining technique, specifically a decision tree, was applied to look at the similarities and differences between Islamists and Far Right extremists in the Profiles of Individual Radicalisation in the United States (PIRUS) dataset. The aim was to identify differences and similarities across various groups that may highlight overlaps and variations across both Islamists and Far Right extremists. The data mining technique analysed data in the PIRUS dataset according to the PIRUS codebook's grouping of variables. The decision tree technique generated a number of rules that provided insights about previously unknown similarities and differences between Islamists and Far Right extremists. This study demonstrates that data mining is a valuable approach for shedding light on factors and patterns related to different forms of violent extremism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Hughes ◽  
Kurt Braddock ◽  
Cynthia Miller-Idriss ◽  
Beth Goldberg ◽  
Meili Criezis ◽  
...  

The effectiveness of attitudinal inoculation in reducing the persuasive appeal of undesirable beliefs and behaviors is long established across multiple domains. However, investigations into its use for preventing violent extremism have only recently been undertaken. The current study adds to this literature by examining the moderating effects of far-right propaganda form and subtlety on the counter-persuasive effects of inoculation in the context of far-right extremism. This study (N = 404) tests the efficacy of inoculation to prevent adoptions of beliefs, attitudes, and intentions consistent with a key theme of far-right propaganda: scientific racism. Results of this 2 (inoculation vs. control) × 2 (propaganda form: video vs. meme) × 2 (propaganda subtlety: subtle vs. obvious) experiment demonstrate that inoculation prevents persuasion by scientific racism propaganda overall, however some outcomes are moderated by the interaction between propaganda form and subtlety. By highlighting the conditions under which inoculation is most likely to be effective, these results have significant implications for the development of inoculation messages intended to prevent far-right violent extremism.


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