Structure in talker-specific phonetic realization: Covariation of stop consonant VOT in American English

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 30-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleanor Chodroff ◽  
Colin Wilson
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (s2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleanor Chodroff ◽  
Colin Wilson

AbstractThe present study investigates patterns of covariation among acoustic properties of stop consonants in a large multi-talker corpus of American English connected speech. Relations among talker means for different stops on the same dimension (between-category covariation) were considerably stronger than those for different dimensions of the same stop (within-category covariation). The existence of between-category covariation supports a uniformity principle that restricts the mapping from phonological features to phonetic targets in the sound system of each speaker. This principle was formalized with factor analysis, in which observed covariation derives from a lower-dimensional space of talker variation. Knowledge of between-category phonetic covariation could facilitate perceptual adaptation to novel talkers by providing a rational basis for generalizing idiosyncratic properties to several sounds on the basis of limited exposure.


2008 ◽  
Vol 124 (4) ◽  
pp. 2559-2559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Jacewicz ◽  
Robert Allen Fox ◽  
Samantha Lyle

2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Jacewicz ◽  
Robert Allen Fox ◽  
Samantha Lyle

This study is an acoustic investigation of the nature and extent of consonant voicing of the stop /b/ in two dialectal varieties of American English spoken in south-central Wisconsin and western North Carolina. The stop /b/ occurred at the juncture of two words such assmall bids, in a position between two voiced sonorants, i.e. the liquid /l/ and a vowel. Twenty women participated, ten representing the Wisconsin and ten the North Carolina variety, respectively. Significant dialectal differences were found in the voicing patterns. The Wisconsin stop closures were usually not fully voiced and terminated in a complete silence followed by a closure release whereas North Carolina speakers produced mostly fully voiced closures. Further dialectal differences included the proportion of closure voicing as a function of word emphasis. For Wisconsin speakers, the proportion of closure voicing was smallest when the word was emphasized and it was greatest in non-emphatic positions. For North Carolina speakers, the degree of word emphasis did not have an effect on the proportion of closure voicing. The results suggest different mechanisms by which closure voicing is maintained in these two dialects, pointing to active articulatory maneuvers in North Carolina speakers and passive in Wisconsin speakers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 150 (5) ◽  
pp. 3711-3729
Author(s):  
Ewa Jacewicz ◽  
Lian J. Arzbecker ◽  
Robert A. Fox ◽  
Shuang Liu

Author(s):  
Nicole Patton Terry

Abstract Determining how best to address young children's African American English use in formal literacy assessment and instruction is a challenge. Evidence is not yet available to discern which theory best accounts for the relation between AAE use and literacy skills or to delineate which dialect-informed educational practices are most effective for children in preschool and the primary grades. Nonetheless, consistent observations of an educationally significant relation between AAE use and various early literacy skills suggest that dialect variation should be considered in assessment and instruction practices involving children who are learning to read and write. The speech-language pathologist can play a critical role in instituting such practices in schools.


2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 173-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Lee ◽  
Janna B. Oetting

Zero marking of the simple past is often listed as a common feature of child African American English (AAE). In the current paper, we review the literature and present new data to help clinicians better understand zero marking of the simple past in child AAE. Specifically, we provide information to support the following statements: (a) By six years of age, the simple past is infrequently zero marked by typically developing AAE-speaking children; (b) There are important differences between the simple past and participle morphemes that affect AAE-speaking children's marking options; and (c) In addition to a verb's grammatical function, its phonetic properties help determine whether an AAE-speaking child will produce a zero marked form.


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