scholarly journals Migrant Remittances and Violent Responses to Crime in Latin America and the Caribbean

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Ana Isabel López García ◽  
Barry Maydom

ABSTRACTHigh levels of crime are a key driver of emigration from Latin America and the Caribbean. But can emigration change public opinion about how best to respond to crime? Focusing on the political economy of remittances—the money migrants send to their families and communities—this study argues that emigration can increase support for violent responses to crime. Migrants’ families often spend remittances on investment goods, which makes them more vulnerable to crime and more supportive of violence to protect themselves. An analysis of AmericasBarometer data finds that remittance recipients are more likely both to fear crime and to be victims of crime than nonrecipients. They are also more approving of vigilantism, more tolerant of police bending the law to apprehend criminals, and more supportive of deploying the military in crime fighting. These findings contribute to our knowledge of the consequences of international migration for political development in migrant-sending countries.

2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1132-1135

Ann Harrison of Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania reviews, “Industrial Policy and Development: The Political Economy of Capabilities Accumulation” by Mario Cimoli, Giovanni Dosi and Joseph E. Stiglitz. The EconLit Abstract of this book begins: “ Nineteen papers explore state intervention in industry and markets, focusing on successful industrial policies and interventions. Papers discuss institutions and policies shaping industrial development—an introductory note; technological learning, policy regimes, and growth—the long-term patterns and some specificities of a “"globalized'' economy; emulation versus comparative advantage—competing and complementary principles in the history of economic policy; industrial policies in developing countries—history and perspectives; industrial tariffs, international trade, and development; the (slow) return of industrial policies in Latin America and the Caribbean; the different capabilities of east Asia and Latin America to “"demand-adapt'' and “"supply-upgrade'' their export productive capacity; microeconomic evolution in high uncertainty contexts—the manufacturing sector in Argentina; the impact of public policies in Brazil along the path from semistagnation to growth in a Sino-centric market; the past, present, and future of industrial policy in India—adapting to the changing domestic and international environment; growth and development in China and India—the role of industrial and innovation policy in rapid catch-up; the political economy of industrial policy in Asia and Latin America; the roles of research at universities and public labs in economic catch-up; nationality of firm ownership in developing countries—who “"crowds out'' whom in imperfect markets; a question of trust—historical lessons for current development; competition policy and industrial development; latecomer entrepreneurship—a policy perspective; intellectual property and industrial development—a critical assessment; and the future of industrial policies in the new millennium—toward a knowledge-centered development agenda. Cimoli is with the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and the Department of Economics at the University of Venice (Ca Foscari). Dosi is Professor of Economics at the Sant'Anna School of Advanced Studies, Pisa. Stiglitz is University Professor at Columbia University and Co-President of the Initiative for Policy Dialogue. Index.


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 616-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin C. Needler

It is noteworthy that the recent spate of writings in the field of “political development” has shown a pronounced tendency to omit consideration of Latin America. Thus the “communications” and “bureaucracy” volumes in the SSRC political development series are totally innocent of Latin American data, as is an excellent recent treatment of—of all things!—the political behavior of the military in developing areas.The Latin Americanists, for their part, have largely stressed those key features of the area's politics which have long remained constant—executive predominance, military intervention, and the influence of the peculiarities of Hispanic culture. At the same time, it is clear that the social changes usually collectively termed “modernization”—urbanization, technological borrowing, and the development of mass communications grids—together with their political correlate, the expansion of the political community to include hitherto excluded social elements, are proceeding in Latin America too. Accordingly, it becomes desirable to reexamine the “statics” of Latin American politics in the light of the “dynamics” of the processes of political development and social mobilization.The present article attempts this reexamination with respect to the most characteristic feature of Latin American politics, the coup d'état and the establishment of a de facto military government.A priori, mutually contradictory theses about the relations of the military coup to social development can be constructed—and indeed the literature on the subject abounds in such contradictory theses, evidence to support each of which is always available.


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