QUO USQUE TANDEM CANTHERIUM PATIEMUR ISTUM? (APUL. MET. 3.27): LUCIUS, CATILINE AND THE ‘IMMORALITY’ OF THE HUMAN ASS

2013 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 854-859 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe La Bua

Shortly after his accidental transformation into an ass, Lucius attempts to return to his human form by grabbing some roses decorating a statue of the patron goddess of the quadrupeds, Epona. But his servulus feels outraged at the sacrilegious act. Jumping to his feet in a temper and acting as a faithful defender of the sacred place, he addresses his former human owner as a new ‘Catiline’ (Apul. Met. 3.27): Quod me pessima scilicet sorte conantem servulus meus, cui semper equi cura mandata fuerat, repente conspiciens indignatus exurgit et: ‘quo usque tandem’ inquit ‘cantherium patiemur istum paulo ante cibariis iumentorum, nunc etiam simulacris deorum infestum? Quin iam ego istum sacrilegum debilem claudumque reddam.’My attempt was frustrated by what seemed to be the worst of luck: my own dear servant, who always had the task of looking after my horse, suddenly saw what was going on, and jumped up in a rage. ‘For how long’, he cried, ‘are we to endure this clapped-out beast? A minute ago his target was the animals' rations, and now he is attacking even the statues of deities! See if I don't maim and lame this sacrilegious brute!’A self-evident instance of parody, the servant's words ironically reformulate one of the most familiar texts of Republican oratory, the famous opening of Cicero's first invective against Catiline, delivered before the assembled senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator on 8 November 63 b.c.: the substitution of a low and familiar word such as cantherium for Catilinam underpins the comic undertone of the entire passage, imbued with further reminiscences of Cicero. Scholars debate whether the servant's verbal attack against Lucius is a parodic adaptation of Cicero's opening invective or rather a spoof on Catiline's paradoxical reading of Cicero's phrase in Sallust (Sall. Cat. 20.9). It is safer to assume a case of double imitation, not unusual in Apuleius' work.

1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-204 ◽  

Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand): On October 6, 1959, an application instituting proceedings against the Kingdom of Thailand was filed in the Registry of the Court by the Kingdom of Cambodia. In its application the Kingdom of Cambodia alleged that since 1949 the Kingdom of Thailand had persisted in the occupation of a portion of Cambodian territory—the area surrounding the Temple of Preah Vihear, a sacred place of pilgrimage and worship for the Cambodian people—and that in 1954 it had sent detachments of its armed forces into the territory in question. The Kingdom of Cambodia alleged also that its tide to sovereignty over the land had been established by treaties, that it had effectively exercised territorial powers, and that the Kingdom of Thailand had not performed any acts of sovereignty which would displace them. The Court was thus requested to adjudge whether or not the Kingdom of Thailand was under an obligation to withdraw its troops, and whether or not territorial sovereignty over the Temple of Preah belonged to the Kingdom of Cambodia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-159
Author(s):  
Alexandru Mihăilă

Abstract In ancient eastern literature, the creation of the world could be connected to the building of the temple dedicated to the creator deity. Creation and temple-building represented for the ancient mentality an obvious continuity that legitimized the cult itself. A further connection could be drawn between the primeval world and the Temple Mount of Jerusalem. The present paper analyzes the intertwining elements of the temple on the holy mountain and the garden of paradise, the original place of pleasure in the presence of God, taking into account the primeval stories of Ezekiel and Genesis. Some elements of the biblical stories will be discussed as part of the history of traditions. For studying the concept of paradise, the "rst chapters of the Hebrew Bible are for now to be skipped, because, as it will be assumed, earlier accounts are found in the book of Ezekiel.


2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-99
Author(s):  
Seung Il Kang

This article attempts to interpret the Garden of Eden as sacred space, comparing its features with those of other sacred places. This article disputes the common view that biblical descriptions of the Solomonic Temple were influenced by the Garden of Eden imagery; instead, it demonstrates that some features of Jerusalem and the Temple were incorporated into the Garden of Eden story. While many biblical scholars have hypothesized that the Garden of Eden story has Mesopotamian roots, this article describes how the author of the Eden narrative tries to present the Garden of Eden as an Israelite sacred place geographically, historically, and religiously.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Parrinder

IN A BRILLIANTLY SUGGESTIVE ARTICLE, the urban historian Lewis Mumford defined the form of the “archetypal city” as follows: First of all, the city is the creation of a king…acting in the name of a god. The king's first act, the very key to his authority and potency, is the erection of a temple within a heavily walled sacred enclosure. And the construction of another wall to enclose the subservient community turns the whole area into a sacred place: a city. (12) This ancient city, which arose just before the beginning of recorded history, is double walled. It has an inner as well as an outer boundary. The outer walls enclose the area inhabited by a subservient population, but the city itself exists for the sake of the temple and its adjoining palace, the homes, respectively, of the god and the king. Some great historic city centers such as Rome with its Vatican, Moscow with its Kremlin, and Beijing with its Heavenly City preserve a structure that is apparently descended from this model. In Anglo-Saxon London, however, an abbey and a seat of government were established at Westminster, just outside what became the walled City overlooked by the grim citadel of the Tower. Canterbury, not London, became the nation's religious capital. London, in effect, marks a stage in the separation of spiritual and temporal powers and, thus, in the secularization of the city. Medieval London was able to assert its independence from the monarchy through the institution of its self-governing Corporation, presided over by the Lord Mayor. The mayoralty was the only significant temporal office in the land not in the gift of the king; and this explains why, in the folk-tale, the ragged boy Dick Whittington could become Lord Mayor of London.


Dai Dao Tam Ky Pho Do [The Great Way of The Third Amnesty Era] (shortly Caodaism) is an indigenous religion established in southern Vietnam in the early 20th century. Being one of the new religions in the region, Caodaism has been constantly developing and attracting quite a great number of followers of over three million. The doctrine of Caodaism is a synthesis of the Three Religions, e.g. Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism together with elements from some other religions. The doctrine is not only shown in scriptures, religious structure, but also expressed through symbols in architecture, rituals and costumes. To a certain extent, it is thus essential to understand the symbolism of the Holy Temple – the most important one of the symbolism system so that we can fully comprehend Caodaism. The Temple is the most solemn and sacred place in Cao Dai Tay Ninh Holy See. It carries both philosophical and esoteric meanings as an emblem of cultural syncretism. The study of the Holy Temple symbol will elaborate further Caodaist doctrines in a relationship with the cultural context of the Southern region.


Axon ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elettra Paladini
Keyword(s):  

These seven inscriptions were found in Pergamon and originally engraved on a long rectangular base built in the temple square of Athena Nikephoros. They date from 241/240 BC to 224/223 BC and commemorate the victories of Attalos I during the first fifteen years of his reign. The defeated enemies were the Galatians, Antiochos Hierax and the strategoi of Seleukos III and Lysias, a member of the Philomelid dynasty. By his first victory, around 240 B.C., near the banks of the Caico against the Galati alone, Attalos I assumed the official title of Σωτήρ and was recognised as βασιλεύς. All of his successes were such as to receive the honour of two other triumphal monuments, similarly erected in the square of the temple of Athena. In this way, this sacred place commemorated the victories of the Pergamum rulers and became a symbol of the ideology and dynastic propaganda inaugurated by Attalos I and continued by his successor, Eumenes II.


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 201-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conor O'Brien

AbstractWhile the attitudes of Stephen of Ripon and Bede toward church-buildings have previously been contrasted, this paper argues that both shared a vision of the church as a holy place, analogous to the Jewish temple and to be kept pure from the mundane world. Their similarity of approach suggests that this concept of the church-building was widespread amongst the Northumbrian monastic elite and may partially reflect the attitudes of the laity also. The idea of the church as the place of eucharistic sacrifice probably lay at the heart of this theology of sacred place. Irish ideas about monastic holiness, traditional liturgical language and the native fascination with building in stone combined with an interest in ritual purity to give power to this use of the temple-image which went on to influence later Carolingian attitudes to churches.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
I Gusti Ayu Ratna Pramesti Dasih ◽  
Ida Bagus Gde Yudha Triguna ◽  
I Wayan Winaja

The research was intended at exploring the intercultural communication based on ideology, theology, and sociology on Pura Dalem Solo. It was pura kahyangan jagat. Those have occurred many activities reflected intercultural communication. Intercultural communication raised some interesting things to study in order to formulate findings that can be used as a cultural reflection facing the global era. The existence of the temple was also related to history, tradition, and culture. They have accumulated from past thought. Therefore, it manifests in the form of multicultural culture and becomes a scientific study. The temple might be stated as an iconic culture. It was built from intercultural communication involving several things unlike, processes, patterns, and implications arise in intercultural communication. A cultural icon becomes the basis of the study. It can then be seen on the temple not only as a sacred place but also as a communication medium. In this case, cultural symbols were messages, and the pengempon-penyiwi resident were communicants or recipients as well as subjects who treat the message.


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Jennifer Glancy

AbstractThe Gospel of John twins the history of Jesus' body with the history of the temple. On John's telling, intersections of those two violent histories are multiple. In the fourth Gospel, the violence directed against Jesus' body that unfolds in the passion narrative is catalyzed (on a narrative level) by Jesus' own physically enacted violence at the temple site. Jesus' action at the temple, his use of a whip to drive out his fellow Jews, is a form of symbolic communication. Jesus' appearance in the temple, whip in hand, functions as a violent epiphany, a moment of self-revelation akin to his self-revelation at Cana. Recognition of the temple incident as sign forces us to consider what, precisely, Jesus reveals about himself when he picks up a whip to clear men and goods from the space he calls his Father's house. As Roger Friedland and Richard D. Hecht argue, "Violence is a form of communication…. Symbolic violence, profanation, is used by members of one community… in order to mobilize their own communities, to make their definition of reality the dominant one…. By profaning the other's sacred place you make the other profane, an alien with no claim to possession of that space." By encoding violence as sign the Gospel of John not only records the history of violence but becomes an episode in that history.


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