Temporal Sovereignty in Modern International Politics

<p>This thesis explores the relationship that the rise to hegemony of a Western standardised measurement of time has with the contemporaneous rise of the Western concept of territorial sovereignty. How does this relationship continue to shape debates over sovereignty in modern international politics both between states and within them, and is the concept of ‘temporal sovereignty’ an underappreciated topic in the field of International Relations? First, it explains how the standardised measurement of time has evolved throughout history and the factors that helped to facilitate moves towards a measurement of time based on precision and coordination of human activities. Second, it examines the link between territorial sovereignty and the standardisation of the measurement of time focussing on the imperatives of standardisation and the role states have in this process. Third, it describes the international time system as it exists today to understand what are the ‘rules’ and to what extent states conform to them. Finally, it discusses the concept of ‘temporal sovereignty’ and how states can and do use the standardisation of time to affect, influence, or control resources and people in three particular case studies: Canada, the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China.</p>

Temporal Sovereignty in Modern International Politics

<p>This thesis explores the relationship that the rise to hegemony of a Western standardised measurement of time has with the contemporaneous rise of the Western concept of territorial sovereignty. How does this relationship continue to shape debates over sovereignty in modern international politics both between states and within them, and is the concept of ‘temporal sovereignty’ an underappreciated topic in the field of International Relations? First, it explains how the standardised measurement of time has evolved throughout history and the factors that helped to facilitate moves towards a measurement of time based on precision and coordination of human activities. Second, it examines the link between territorial sovereignty and the standardisation of the measurement of time focussing on the imperatives of standardisation and the role states have in this process. Third, it describes the international time system as it exists today to understand what are the ‘rules’ and to what extent states conform to them. Finally, it discusses the concept of ‘temporal sovereignty’ and how states can and do use the standardisation of time to affect, influence, or control resources and people in three particular case studies: Canada, the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China.</p>

Introduction

Not only has diaspora been one of the key realities of the long history of the Jews, but it also has dominated historical thinking about that phenomenon. Historians have divided over the origins of the Jewish diaspora, debating how much it reflected the negative forces of expulsion and persecution or how much new opportunities in places more conducive to their security and prosperity opened up to them. Historians have also debated the impact of diaspora as either a source of strength and creativity as opposed to a clearly negative side effect of the lack of territorial sovereignty. Either way, the history of the Jews cannot and has not been told without an understanding of the centrality of diaspora.

The Pending Territorial Sovereignty of the Batanes Islands: A Taiwan Perspective

After Japan occupied Taiwan from the Quin Dynasty in 1895, the Japanese government immediately held talks with Spain to delimit the sea boundary between Spain and Japanese Taiwan. According to the Convention between Japan and Spain in 1895, the sea boundary of both countries was in the middle of the navigable channel of Bashi. For it did not refer to the longitude and latitude, thus it resulted in confusion when the United States negotiated a peace treaty with Spain. What is the meaning of “in the middle of the navigable channel of Bashi?” In the Treaty of Paris between the United States and Spain in 1898, Spain ceded the Philippines archipelagoes to the south of 20∘ North latitude to the United States. In fact, the Batanes Islands are located at 20–21∘ North latitudes. Geographically, the Batanes Islands were not included in the Treaty of Paris. This paper will focus on the reasons why did not Spain cede the territory to the north of 20∘ North latitude to the United States? And, it also discussed the problems of the legal status of the Batanes Islands and the rights of claim by Taiwan.

DEFENSE DIPLOMACY IN RESOLVING THE PROBLEM OF INDONESIA’S TERRITORIAL BOUNDARIES WITH MALAYSIA IN TANJUNG DATU

<div><p class="Els-history-head">Based on the fact that as an archipelago, Indonesia shares borders with neighboring countries in Southeast Asia. With a large number of territorial borders of Indonesia and other countries, it has resulted in various cooperative relationships or various border problems between Indonesia and these neighboring countries. The purpose of this study was to determine the form of defense diplomacy and its analysis to include the Tanjung Datu Phase as the Indonesia-Malaysia Outstanding Boundary Problem (OBP). The writing method used is qualitative, wherein in this analysis, the writer does not make calculations. The findings of this study are the subject of Indonesia's defense diplomacy to include the Tanjung Datu Phase as OBP Indonesia-Malaysia, namely the national regional coordination committee (Pankorwilnas), Directorate of Topography of the Army, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Home Affairs, and Outstanding Boundary Problem (OBP). Meanwhile, the object of Indonesia's defense diplomacy to include the Tanjung Datu Phase as OBP Indonesia-Malaysia is in the form of Indonesia's goal, namely as the implementation of national interests in achieving its territorial sovereignty, and this is included in the scope of the defense.</p></div>

POLICE POWER OF THE BRAZILIAN ARMY

This work deals with the legal frameworks that manage the exercise of the police power granted to the Armed Forces, addressing the attributions and situations in which they can be employed. The legal provisions are found in the legal system in force, among the precursors the complementary laws of n. 97/1999, n. 117/2004 and n. 136/2010, which brought significant changes in the general rules for the organization, preparation and employment of the Armed Forces. The basis of this work is the study of the use of the Brazilian Army in law and order guarantee operations, as well as ensuring Brazilian territorial sovereignty. The activities called patrolling and policing operations in the border area of the Brazilian territory are exposed throughout the work. Such activities are subsidiary duties conferred by the Armed Forces. At first, a brief exposition will be made of the legal and doctrinal foundations that deal with the power of police, distinguishing it in what is the "administrative police power" and "the power of security police", although coming from state power, both have different purposes.

France's Informal Empire in the Mediterranean, 1815–1830

Recent works on France's informal projection of power have begun remapping French imperialism during the nineteenth century. More studies in this vein could broaden our understanding of informal empire as an analytical category by decentring it from its roots in British imperial studies. This article argues that between 1815 and 1830, French diplomats remoulded the Regency of Tunisia into an informal imperial periphery. Although they lacked the military and economic leverage of their British counterparts, French consuls coerced the Tunisian rulers into submission by wielding threats and treaties. This strategy unfolded in three stages. First, the consuls used rumours of a possible invasion in order to impose a new vision of international law and dismantle the corsair system in the Regency. Second, they claimed French territorial sovereignty over a part of the Tunisian coast by appealing to the international legal norms enshrined in the existing treaties. And, third, the Tunisian ruler accepted most consular demands following the French invasion of Algeria in 1830. Tunisia's entrance into the French imperial orbit in turn led French diplomats to seek the establishment of French economic ascendency in Tunisia during the early 1830s.

Land Grabbing and the Perplexities of Territorial Sovereignty

The recent phenomenon of land grabbing—that is, the large-scale acquisition of private land rights by foreign investors—is an effect of increasing global demand for farmland, resources, and development opportunities. In 2008–2010 alone, land grabs covered approximately 56 million hectares of land, dispossessing and displacing inhabitants. This article proposes a philosophical framework for evaluating land grabbing as a practice of territorial alienation, whereby the private purchase of land can, under certain conditions, lead to a de facto alienation of territorial sovereignty. If land grabs alienate territorial sovereignty, it follows that inhabitants can claim a violation of the people’s right to “permanent sovereignty over natural resources.” However, because sovereignty is entangled in the historical and contemporary causes of land dispossession, I cast doubt on this strategy. Territorially sovereign regimes often undermine democratic land governance by obstructing participation in activities such as zoning, land use, property regulation, and environmental stewardship. These activities, which I theorize as practices of “world-building,” are key to democracy because they give occupants a say in the shape of their common home. The perplexities of sovereignty in matters of land governance suggest that establishing democratic participation in rule over land requires fracturing sovereignty.